00 

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THE 


SECOND  CRISIS 

V 


AMERICA, 


OR 


A  CURSORY  VIEW  OF  THE  PEACE 

LATELY  CONCLUDED  BETWEEN 

GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  THE  UNITED 
STATES, 

Examining  the  manner  this  event  will  operate  on  the  Commerce  of  America,  la 
what  manner  it  is  likely  to  produce  benefits  or  evils  to  Merchants,  Manufacturers, 
Agriculturists,  and  Distillers;  in  what  manner  it  will  affect  the  Tonnage  interest, 
and  embracing  generally  the  various  influence  it  may  have  on  the  destinies  of  the 
United  States  in  their  future  connexions,  Political  and  Commercial,  with  the  rest 
of  the  civilized  world  ;  together  with  some  remarks  and  opinions  relative  to  that 
extraordinary  event  which  has  astonished  the  world,  the  return  of  Napoleon  to 
*tie  throne  of  France. 


BY  A  CITIZEN  OF  PHILADELPHIA; 


NEW-YORK : 

PRINTED  BY  JOHN  H.  SHERMAN,  1 

NO.   30,  NAISAU-STREET- 


1815. 


Sf 


THE 

SECOND  CRISIS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Slate  of  War  and  Peace—Declaration  of  War — Ratification  of 
Peace — The  Crisis  War  produced— The  necessity  of  the  measure 
and  its  results — Reference  to  the  Amendment  of  the  Militia  Sys 
tem —  Inquiry  into  the  causes  which  induced  England  to  accede  to 
Peace,  &c. 

THERE  is  no  event  in  the  occurrences  of  times  more  important 
to  nations  than  the  transition  from  peace  to  the  tutbid  scenes  of  war; 
or  the  recurrence  from  the  struggles  and  deprivations  attendant  on 
that  state,  to  the  calm  tranquillity  of  those  visions  of  social  comfort 
which  peace  generally  invites.  In  the  latter  case,  the  soldier  re 
signs  his  sword  for  the  more  genial  instrument  of  art  and  industry— 
Relinquishes  the  discipline  of  camps  and  arduous  marches  to  guide 
the  plow  on  his  native  hills,  or  mix  in  the  busy  hum  of  cities.  And 
the  man  who  knit  his  brow,  and  felt  the  forces  of  his  soul  hardened 
to  deeds  of  death  and  carnage,  returns  to  the  bosom  of  his  family ' 
•with  smiles  beaming  on  his  countenance,  and  the  milk  of  humanity 
at  his  heart.  Such  are  the  interesting  eras  which  have  latterly  oc 
curred  in  the  history  of  these  states.  On  the  1 7th  day  of  June, 
1812,  war  was  declared  by  America  against  England,  in  consequence 
of  a  series  of  insults  and  aggressions  which  the  spirit  of  forbearance 
could  no  longer  brook,  when  repeated  and  various  struggles  for  re 
dress  had  been  found  ineffectual ;  and  on  the  1 8th  day  of  Februa 
ry,  1815,  a  peace  was  ratified  and  exchanged  by  the  President; 
with  our  ancient  enemy,  upon  the  basis  of  a  treaty  which  promises 
«ood  faith,  and  an  observance  ef  equal  right* 

685163 


\ 


4 

To  a  nation,  situated  as  was  America,  the  recourse  to  hostilities 
with  England,  a  power  gigantic  in  arms,  and  wielding  a  maritime 
sceptre  which  had  awed  every  other  nation  on  the  earth ;  whose 
resources  of  credit,  and  whose  fiscal  operations,  under  revolving 
centuries,  were,  in  comparison  to  us,  a?  millions  are  to  units,  was 
indeed  A  CRISIS  ;  and  the  militation  of  a  young  and  unprepared  peo 
ple,  (for  thirty  years  rocked  in  the  cradle  of  peace)  against  a  na 
tion  holding  such  imposing  attitudes,  was  an  epoch  in  our  annals, 
sufficient  to  shake  the  nerves  of  even  the  inflexible  patriot,  whose 
bosom  had  never  beat  with  any  other  throb  more  enthusiastic  than 
the  honour  and  prosperity  of  his  country. 

Three  years  ha^e  not  yet  elapsed  before  the  calamities  of  war 
are  at  an  end  ;  and  all  the  doubts  and  fears  to  which  the  contest 
gave  birth,  are  dispersed  by  the  happy  return  of  peace,  and  the 
glorious  results  which  have  attended  our  virtuous  and  energetic 
struggle.  To  some  cold-blooded  politician,  perhaps,  who  keep 
the  debts  and  credits  of  this  war,  with  a  mercantile  accuracy,  rny 
assertion,  that  the  nation  has  crowned  itself  with  ar/immortal  wreath 
of  glory,  may  be  disputed  ;  it  may  be  advanced  that  we  have  not 
conquered  Canada,  or  that  we  have  not  gained  an  inch  of  territo 
ry  ; — but  the  accession  of  territory,  or  the  occupation  of  Canada, 
•was  neither  of  them  the  cause  which  prompted  us  to  unsheath  the 
sword,  or  invoke  the  God  of  battles  to  our  aid. 

Our  recourse  to  arms,  was  the  last  resort  of  an  insulted  nation, 
who  had  ineffectually  endeavoured  to  avert  the  calamities  of  war 
by  an  appeal  to  justice,  which  was  contemptuously  and  arrogantly 
denied  her;  and  the  honour  and  dignity  of  the  country  was  impli 
cated,  if  uot  branded  with  disgrace,  had  she  refused  any  longer  to 
appeal  to  that  unhappy  experiment,  the  desperate  ultimatum  of  a 
wronged  and  forbearing  people. 

There  is  not  that  c«urt  or  potentate  in  Europe,  however  despo 
tic,  who  has  not  viewed  our  contesi,  with  an  interest  rarely  felt; 
and  al'hough  jealous;of  our  rising  greatness,  inimical  to  the  ethics 
of  the  republican  school,  or  wedded  to  tjie  prejudices  and  abuses 
of  ancient  dynasties,  there  has  been  an  enthusiasm  excite4  in  the 
breasts  of  princes  incontestibly  in  our  favour;  and  which,  although 
it  was  secret  as  the  gr*ve,  and  lifted  not  a  finger  for  our  salvation 
or  our  cause,  yet  refrained  from  ever  enlisting  against  us,  or  moving 
with  the  policy  of  our  enemy. 


Vainly  should  we  endeavour  to  inquire,  whether  the  fate  of  Po 
land,  lhat  brave  unhappy  nation,  vibrated  yet  upon  the  sensibility 
of  their  nerves ;  and  that  the  events  which  succeeded,  and  which 
shook  the  crowns  and  diadems  of  monarchs  to  the  earth,  had  their 
weight  in  retrospection.  True,  however,  it  is,  that  like  the  gods  of 
Homer,  they  held  their  scales  in  balance  as  by  the  fiat  of  Olympus, 
and  the  contest,  fortunately,  did  not  continue  long  enough  to  suf 
fer  their  interest  or  their  wishes  to  preponderate  iw  either  ; — single- 
handed  was  the  conflict,  and  Heaven  be  praised,  so  it  ended ! 

The  brilliant  achievements  of  our  infant  navy  on  the  lakes  and 
ocean,  live  in  too  glowing  colours  in  the  bosom  of  my  countrymen, 
to  need  a  repetition.  The  affairs  of  Chippewa,  of  Erie,  Plattsburg, 
Baltimore,  and  Orleans,  are  yet  such  evergreens  of  honor  and  re 
nown  on  laud,  that  it  would  be  a  reflection  on  my  readers  to  reca 
pitulate  their  glory,  or  rehearse  those  deeds  of  valour  which  are 
yet  the  uppermost  themes  of  commendation ;  and  which,  while  they 
excite  the  liveliest  emotions  of  national  patriotism,  tend  in  a  measure 
to  sooth  those  bosoms,  which  have  been  rent  w  ith  the  severest  an 
guish  by  the  casualties  and  disasters  attendant  on  a  state  of  war. 

Peace  is  again  restored  us,  and  let  those  of  our  countrymen  who 
yet  show  their  ledger  of  losses,  and  groan  over  what  they  may  term 
the  waste  of  blood  and  treasure,  console  themselves  with  the  reflec 
tion,  that  the  nations  of  the  earth  who  have  looked  with  unbiassed 
eye  upon  the  contest,  will  say  we  have  preserved  our  Ubertv  and 
nationality  in  it ;  and  with  one  consent,  will  decide  on  the  gallant  vic 
tories  of  our  arms;  and  the  superiority  wh'ch  a  brave  and  self-taught 
people,  by  the  virtue  of  their  cause,  have  obtained  over  a  venal 
monarchy  a«d  an  imperious  foe.  In  brief,  our  character  has  been  re 
trieved  from  ignominy,  and  instead  of  an  insulted  and  pusilanimous 
people,  we  rank  exalted  in  the  opinion  of  the  surrounding  world 
and  stand  dignified  in  eur  own. 

The  steady  patriotism  of  our  yeomanry,  having  been  tested 
throughout  this  contest,  will  adduce  a  striking  lesson  for  future  wars, 
when  we  may  unhappily  be  visited  fry  them ;  that  a  good  and  whole 
some  arrangement  of  the  militia  system,  which  shall  te».ch  to  the 
hardy  freeman  the  rudiments  of  the  art  of  war,  and  which  shall  fit 
him  in  the  day  of  peace,  for  the  exigencies  of  all  times  and  seasons, 
would  be  the  safest  and  soundest  policy  our  government  could  pur 
sue. 


Various  militia  systems  have  been  adopted  by  ali  the  slates,  am! 
one  and  all  of  them  in  the  opinion  of  the  writer  defective.  To  enter 
into  an  analysis  or  discussion  of  this  subject,  would  be  too  far  to  im 
pede  the  progress  of  the  present  inquiries,  and  dilate  the  work  be 
yond  the  narrow  compass  of  a  pamphlet ;  suffice  it  to  say,  that  in 
stead  of  the  accustomed  method  of  turning  out  and  parading  through 
dirty  streets,  with  rusty  arms,  ragged  coats,  columns  dispropor'ioncd, 
and  squares  that  looked  like  triangles,  as  must  be  recent  in  the  rc- 
mombrance  of  those  who  witnessed  our  reviews  in  a  day  of  securi 
ty — that  schools  well  appointed  should  be  instituted,  and  certain 
drilling  days  should  be  regularly  attended  by  the  incipient,  under 
the  peualty  of  a  fine  to  be  rigidly  exacted;  that  semi-annual  reviews 
should  be  held  with  all  the  pomp  and  splendour  of  a  national  f£te, 
and  that  instead  of  the  ragged  men  of  Falstaflf,  who  formerly  were 
wont  to  walk  up  and  dowu  a  dirty  city  to  save  a  fine,  we  should 
see  a  body  of  tacticians,  well  apparelled,  well  accoutred  (although 
not  in  uniform)  and  *lio,  while  they  should  feel  a  pride  themselves, 
will  create  applause  in  the  beholder.  To  effect  this,  the  staie  gov 
ernments  must  not  lean  too  much  on  economy.  A  suit  of  clothes  per 
year  ought  at  least  to  be  the  equivalent  of  the  patriotic  yeoman 
vho  devotes  his  hours  of  industry,  to  learn  how  to  defend  his  coun 
try  ;  fines  well  collected,  and  justly  appropriated,  would  partly  de 
fray  the  expense,  and  the  pride  and  honour  of  the  state  might  well 
afford  the  other. 

Before  I  enter  further  into  the  important  views  which  the  sub 
ject  of  this  inquiry  embraces,  a  question  of  some  curiosity  suggests 
itself,  as  to  what  has  been  the  probable  causes  which  have  operated 
on  Great  Britain,  to  abandon  that  system  of  procrastination,  which 
strongly  marked  each  preceding  feature  of  the  negociation  with  our 
ambassadors,  and  to  accede  with  such  sudden  and  unlookedfor  pre 
cipitancy  to  the  formation  of,  a  Treaty  which  met  the  views  of  our 
ministers,  and  the  instantaneous  acceptance  of  the  British  regent ;  a 
Treaty  which,  without  even  touching  upon  any  of  the  subjects  of  for 
mer  conferences,  confined  itself  merely  to  the  preliminaries  of  jus 
tice  and  equity;  two  subjects  which  had  never  been  disputed  by 
America,  and  which,  on  any  proposals,  on  the  part  of  England,  would 
have  been  inquired  into  and  adjusted.  Who  is  the  prophetic  seer  of 
the  nation'  that  could  have  foretold  such  a  finish  to  such  a  contest, 


that  the  priuciple  and  leading  features  cf  a  treaty  of  peace  and  am 
ity  with  Britain,  should  rest  on  commissioners,  duly  appointed  to 
run  a  Geographical  line  from  the  lakes  in  the  woods,  through  differ 
ent  regions  adjacent,  to  mark  the  middle  boiiDttevy  of  territorial 
rights;  a  lake  scarcely  spoken  of  five  years  ago  in  either  country, 
and  even  now  obscurely  known  by  the  geographies  and  topogra- 
phists  of  London. 

The  peculiar  care  manifested  by  the  British  ministers  on  this 
questio  n  of  boundary,  would  seem  to  indicate  that  they  persuaded 
themselves  into  a  belief  that  the  imperial  flag  of  Great  Britain  was 
destined  to  wavt  for  many  centuries  more  on  the  American  conti 
nent  :  hence  we  see  so  much  caution  and  precision  in  several  arti 
cles  of  the  treaty,  on  territorial  sovereignity. 

In  case  of  any  dispute  on  this  subject  it  is  to  be  decided  by  some 
friendly  European  power,  that  is  to  say,  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  or 
Austria,  the  king  of  Prussia,  or  any  king,  Bonaparte  excepted,  may,  iu 
the  course  of  human  even'.s  be  honored  with  a  title  perhaps  of  equal 
weight  and  glory  toany  they  or  their  ancestors  ever  enjoyed,  no  Ies& 
than  Geographer  thncral  to  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  although  none  of  those  sceptred  mortals  may 
estimate  the  real  dignity  attached  to  such  a  high  calling,  yet  there 
are  few  of  my  readerswho  will  not  join  me  in  opinion  that  the  title  ia 
question  reflects  more  honour  on  any  of  those  monarchs,  and  has 
more  real  solidity  attached  to  it,  thau  the  Kingdom  of  Hanover  has 
given,  by  that  title  being  annexed  to  the  monarch  of  the  British  Isles. 

I  have  a  presentiment  that  we  shall  never  be  under  the  necessity 
of  troubling  any  of  the  royal  race  in  Europe  on  this  subject;  it  is 
already  decided  by  the  laws  of  nature,  and  must  ere  long,  be  so  by 
the  political  and  progressive  strength  of  our  country.  A  nation  speak 
ing  the  same  language,  influenced  by  the  same  habits,  with  a  popu 
lation  already  of  eight  millions,  and  with  a  fair  prospect  of  doubling 
that  number  iu  less  than  twenty  years,  is  not  likely  to  be  plagued 
very  long  with  questions  relative  to  the  rights  of  European  sove- 
reigQty  to  any  part  of  the  Americau  Continent. 

Whether  we  shall  dry  fish  on  the  coast  of  Labrador,  or  shoot 
bears  beyond  the  present  imperial  boundary,  we  shall  leave  to  our 
descendants  to  arrange  some  30  or  50  year?  hence,  but  we  shall  car 
ry  to  the  tomb  of  the  Capulets  a  full  conviction  that  the  treaty  of 


8 

peace,  recently  concluded,  is  the  last  instrument  that  will  be  signed 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  respecting  the  terri 
torial  sovereignty  of  either  on  this  Continent. 

Had  the  conduct  of  England,  as  regarded  the  negotiations  at 
Ghent,  been  of  that  character  which  carried  with  it  the  indications 
of  good  faith  and  a  desire  for  pacification,  the  treaty  would  not  now 
b1  A  muter  of  sui  prise,  nor  have  been  so  unexpected  an  event  as  it 
has  proven — some  causes  therefore,  as  yet  behind  the  curtain,  have 
operated  on  the  ministry  of  England,  to  give  up  their  wild  preten 
sions  of  territorial  aggrandizement  in  America,  and  spurred  them  to 
the  '.erminaiion  of  differences  on  just  and  honourable  terms,  at  a  mo 
ment  when  the  war  had  assumed  a  most  critical  aspect. 

Th.  publication  of  the  correspondence  of  the  ministers  at  Ghent, 
by  the  American  government,  was  calculated  to  produce  great  asto 
nishment  in  the  eyes  ol  all  Europe  ;  the  arrogant  and  ambitious  pre- 
trn  iocs  of  England  bore  a  most  striking  contrast  with  the  unsophis 
ticated  good,  faith  prominent  in  all  the  conferences  and  correspon 
dences  of  the  American  diplomatists,  and  had  no  doubt,  its  weight 
in  altering  both  ihe  tone  and  systertfof  British  negociatiou.  Those 
powers  of  Europe  who  were  convened  in  the  general  congress  at 
Vienna,  for  settling  tlie  rights  of  nations,  and  consolidating  a  peace 
among  themselves,  would  no  doubt,  unhesitatingly  express  their  dis 
satisfaction  at  the  pretensions  manifested  by  England  in  this  politi 
cal  drama ;  as  similar  doctrines,  might,  at  a  future  and  no  distant  day, 
be  attempted  to  be  imposed  by  England  on  themselves,  and  their  silent 
acquiescence,  as  regarded  the  United  States,  be  urged  as  a  plea  of 
justice  against  them. 

The  policy,  therefore,  of  the  publication  of  the  dispatches,  from 
our  ministers,  however  it  may  have  galled  England,  was  obvious  as 
regarded  ourselves.  It  spoke  volumes  at  a  glance  and  carried  with 
it  the  weight  of  twenty  manifestos.  It  was  a  clear  development 
of  facts  and  portrayed  the  character  and  cause  of  our  hostilities, 
and  the  features  England  was  inclined  to  give  them;  and  further, 
it  was  putting  the  question  to  continental  Europe,  and  testing  wheth 
er  they  were  inclined  to  yield  to  a  principle  of  interested  policy 
pursued  by  England  against  these  states,  and  which  once  establish 
ed  became  a  precedent,  which  naturally  enough,  would  hereafter 
be  turned  against  themselves. 


It  is  not  impossible  that  England  might  also  hare  foreseen  the 
probability  of  that  miraculous  event  which  has  astonished  both  he 
mispheres.  She,  no  doubt,  well  knew  the  gentiment  of  the  military 
of  France,  and  their  devotion  to  that  chief  who  had  so  often  led 
them  to  victory,  and  who  never  suffered  skill  or  courage  in  the 
field  to  pass  unnoticed  or  unrewarded.  And  although  she  might  not 
have  calculated  on  so  sudden  an  explosion,  or  that  the  bold  attempt 
•f  Napoleon  in  resuming  sovereignty,  would  have  been  attended 
with  unopposed  success ;  yet  she  might  have  seen  sufficient  to 
have  demonstrated  to  her  the  necessity  of  concentrating  her  forces 
at  home,  and  to  be  prepared  for  any  changes  which  the  continent  of 
Europe  might  display. 

If  any  cause  yet  stronger  than  the  public  exposure  of  the  pre* 
tensions  of  England,  has  operated  on  her  to  conclude  this  peace,  I 
am  inclined  to  believe  that  it  is  the  situation  of  the  Peninsula  of 
Spain,  and  the  distracted  state  of  those  important  colonies  of  that 
monarchy  in  South  America.  England  has  for  years  past  enjoyed 
the  treasures  of  those  exhaustless  mines,  with  which  the  unhappy 
and  enslaved  Americans,  have  been  cursed.  The  day  of  slavery  is 
however  fast  dissipating — the  shackled  descendants  of  the  Incas 
have  burst  their  chains,  and  a  new  and  great  empire  is  about  to 
astonish  the  world.  What  part  England  will  take  in  the  momentous 
drama  is  yet  to  be  discovettd,  one  part  she  assuredly  will,  and 
there  is  one  part  which  it  materially  behoves  the  United  States 
to  take ;  that  is,  to  aid  in  unloosing  the  fetters  of  a  galled  and  gallant 
people.  POLICY  dictates  it;  the  INJURIES  we  have  received  from 
European  Spain  demand  ample  compensation,  and  warrant  any 
measures.  The  claims  which  American  citizens  have  on  the  Spa 
nish  monarchy  would  be  more  than  sufficient  purchase  money  for 
the  Spanish  Floridas,  and  if  she  will  neither  sell  them  or  cede  them, 
or  refund  her  robberies,  I  see  nothing  to  prevent  our  taking  them 
vietarmis.l  return  to  my  subject — that  England  has  long  meditat 
ed  deeply  on  the  situation  of  Mexico,  various  testimonies  might 
prove,  and  that  this  may  have  had  a  considerable  impetus  in  closing 
the  contest  wiih  the  United  States,  in  order  to  be  ready  to  engage  in 
•ne  more  profitable,  at  the  first  favourable  moment,  I  am  also  dispo 
sed  to  credit,  and  also  that  the  blow  against  Spain,  or  against  her  pos- 
is  now  prosecuting  and  will  he  struck  bj  fioglaid  «a  tfcf 


Jt 

first  politic  opening,  and  however  singular  it  may  appear,  it  may  yd 
be  possible  and  probable,  that  England  for  once  may  range  herself 
on  the  side  of  justice  and  the  rights  of  man,  and  for  a  promised  remu 
neration  (perhaps)  of  certain  provinces  of  this  vast  continent,  engage 
to  emancipate  a  nation  from  bondage.  That  these  causes,  and 
others,  which  are  too  carefully  screened  in  the  cabinets  of  Europe  to 
be  read  with  accuracy  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  have  had  their 
"weight  in  producing  this  wonderful  change  in  the  pretensions  of 
England  as  regards  these  states,  the  lapse  of  a  very  little  time  will 
place  beyond  contradiction  or  doubt ;  ad  interim,  however,  should 
these  be  rejected  as  visionary,  speculative,  or  as  far  fetched  surmises 
by  any  of  my  inquiring  readers,  there  is  another  cause  well  suited 
to  the  armor  propria  of  the  patriotic  American,  which  might  not  per 
haps  Puit  the  palates  of  the  purlieus  of  St.  James's,  but  would  not 
be  unsavory  to  ourselves.  This  cause,  which  modesty  might  forbid 
us  to  dilate  on,  or  even  refer  to,  is  neither  more  or  less  than  that 
England,  tired  with  the  repeated  discomfitures  she  met  on  land,  on 
lake  and  ocean,  wherever  she  came  in  contact  with  our  forces,  (hith 
erto  so  despised  and  held  in  contempt,)  began  to  consider  that  should 
the  same  series  of  success  continue  to  attend  the  arms  of  America, 
she  might  find  in  a  few  months  longer  extension  of  the  contest,  all 
her  Spanish  laurels,  in  the  yellow  leaf;  and  that  her  proudest  boast, 
and  vaunted  prerogative  of  supremacy  on  the  ocean,  earned  by  slow 
and  progressive  measures,  at  the  price  of  more  money  and  blood  than 
her  islands  contain,  might  be  rendered  nugatory :  and  instead,  as  hith 
erto,  the  dread  of  surrounding  states,  by  the  despotic  power  of  her 
floating  engines  of  blockade  and  contribution,  she  had  forfeited 
her  imposing  character  in  the  estimation  of  spectators,  by  her  toting 
although  unequal  contest  with  a  nation,  who,  at  the  commencement 
did  not  possess  one  hundredth  part  of  her  naval  armament — and 
"who  had  already  cruised  victoriously  and  with  prosperity  in  the 
English  channel,  and  who  had  rode  triumphantly  in  that  called  St. 
George's,  laying  their  sea-ports  iu  a  state  of  blockade  or  contribu 
tion.  Whether  my  readers  will  allow  weight  to  this  last  cause  as 
signed,  will  depend  on  their  own  view  of  the  subject. — One  thing, 
however,  has  fact  to  corroborate  it,  that  insurance  across  the  Irish 
channel,  had  risen  from  1-2  per  cent,  the  usual  rate,  to  6  per  cent, 
making  eleven  additional  premiums.  And  had  the  war 


11 

12  months  longer,  and  our  national  cruisers,  expressly  equipped  for 
sailing,  reached  iheir  intended  destinations,  the  6  ^er  centu»c»  might 
have  quadrupled  itself,  and  the  whole  navy  of  England  would  not 
hare  been  sufficient  to  protect  her  from  an  American  blockade. 

The  list  of  British  vessels  caotured,  burnt  and  destroyed  by  our 
cruisers,  as  well  private  as  national,  does  not  res<t  on  our  own  asser 
tions,  they  are  recorded  at  Lloyd's,  and  whether  we  view  the  num 
ber,  or  the  enterprise,  and  valour  displayed  by  our  countrymen  in 
effecting  this  extended  scene  of  capture  and  destruction,  we  havq 
the  satisfaction  to  know  they  are  without  parallel  in  naval  warfare. 
Hitherto  the  world  had  attached  no  ordinary  degree  of  stigma  to  the 
pursuit  of  privateering,  and  cupidity  was  deemed  the  sole  motive  to 
those  who  engaged  therein,  but  it  was  reserved  for  the  United  States 
to  develope  the  fact,  that  a  love  of  gain  was  not  the  premordial  con 
sideration  of  American  cruisers,  whether  private,  or  national.  Amor 
Patria,  gallantry,  and  humanity  have  distinguished  the  conduct  of 
*ur  officers  and  seamen,  in  all  their  rencounters  with  the  enemy. 

British  cruisers  had  been  so  accustomed  to  carry  the  private 
armed  vessels  of  their  enemies,  whether  in  equal  fight,  or  by  gallant 
ly  attacking  them  with  boats,  that  they  did  not  anticipate  any  new 
er  extraordinary  species  of  resistance  from  us;  but  to  thfir  surprise 
and  mortification,  they  have  not  only  been  foiled,  but  beaten  in  al 
most  every  attempt  they  made  on  the  ocean  or  in  the  harbours,  against 
our  vessels. 

The  attack  on  the  privateer  Neufchatel  by  the  boats  of  the  fri 
gate  Eudymion,  and  the  attack  of  the  General  Armstrong  by  an  im 
mense  number  of  boats  from  a  British  squadron  in  the  harbour  of 
Fayal,  have  given  a  demonstratioa  of  American  enthusiasm  aud 
valour,  fatal  to  the  glory,  the  discipline  and  tactics  of  the  British  ua- 
vy ;  and  in  my  humble  opinion,  these,  and  an  infinite  number  of  simi« 
lar  instances  that  had  occurred,  taught  the  British  ministry  to  anti 
cipate  the  direful  consequences  of  protracting  a  war,  where  every 
day  seemed  to  add  to  the  glory  of  their  enemy,  and  to  augment  his 
means  of  annoying  and  destroying  the  commerce  of  Great  Britain. 

Thus,  at  the  moment  that  they  supposed  Orleans  in  their  posses 
sion,  and  that  such  was  their  expectation,  the  speech  of  the  Regent 
from  the  throne  proclaims,  when  he  says,  that  fa  hopes  to  fi;  sh  the 
contest  with  America,  with  glory  to  the  English  arrai, — at  ibis  roe- 


13 

uieut  do  they  propose  a  peace  on  those  terms  of  equal  justice  for 
which  alone  we  contended,  arid  which  we  had  repeatedly  offered  to 
treat  upon  before ;  and  cot  waiting  even  for  the  news  of  the  occu 
pation  of  Orleans  by  the  British  troops,  they  conclude  a  treaty  of 
peace,  which,  in  the  same  faith,  these  states  have  always  manifested, 
was  ratified  as  soon  as  it  was  received. 

Waving  all  further  consideration  of  what  were  the  motives  which 
induced  Great  Britain  to  the  hasty  adoption  of  this  measure,  when  all 
denoted  more  extensive  preparations,  and  the  most  hostile  front ;  I 
sh^ll  only  express  this,  my  opinion,  that  neither  a  sense  of  honour  or 
equity,  or  a  just  appreciation  of  the  rights  of  nations  had  any  thing 
to  do  with  her  decision.  These  are  considerations  which  are  as  a 
dead  letter  in  the  eyes  of  those  disciples  of  Machiavel,  who  direct 
policy  of  that  nation ; — and  here  I  beg  leave  to  state,  that  whate 
ver  may  be  my  opinion  of  the  conduct  of  the  British  government  eith 
er  past,  present  or  future,  it  has  not,  and  I  trust,  never  will  eradicate 
from  my  mind,  a  regard  and  respect  for  the  individual  character  of 
British  subjects — as  such,  we  view  them  analogous  to  ourselves  ia 
habits,  in  feelings,  as  well  as  in  language  ^but  it  is  against  a  gov 
ernment  whose  acts  have  been  uniformly  hostile  to  our  republic,^ 
that  we  have  directed  our  remarks,  and  shall  continue  so  to  do,  until 
a  change  of  policy  or  measures  on  the  part  of  the  government  of 
Great  Britain,  shall  convince  us  of  the  sincerity  of  her  frequent  pro 
fessions  to  cultivate  a  good  understanding,  aud  to  preserve  a  lasting 
peace  with  the  United  Stales. 


CHAPTER.  II. 

Commerce  considered  in  a  day  of  Peace  —  America  the  general  cor* 
rier  in  the  time  of  European  war  —  The  jealousy  of  Enf'land-* 
Its  consequences  —  The  effect  Peace  will  have  on  our  Shipping  and 
Tonnage  interest-Its  effect  <m  Agriculture  —  the  culture  of  Grain 
considered  —  Digression  on  the  agriculture  of  South  America,— 
Cultivation  of  articles  of  foreign  Growth  not  yet  introduced  gener 
ally  in  America  considered  ;  such  as  ike  Vine,  Olive  Tree,  Gum 
Tree,  &c.  The  adventure  and  experiment  which  distinguishes 
America-Distillation  in  a  day  of  Peace,  and  Manufactures  cm- 


The  phrases,  Peace  and  Plenty,  Peace,  Commerce  and  Pros 
perity,  have  beeu  so  ofteu  hacknied  and  toasted,  and  drank  inflow 
ing  cups,  that  it  may  create  a  little  astonishment  in  the  minds  ot* 
the  strongest  opponents  to  the  late  war,  that  COMMERCE  on  the  return 
of  PEACE,  instead  of  being  attended  with  its  expected  concomitant 
PROSPERITY,  should  be  narrowed  and  confined  within  a  more  limit 
ed  circle,  that  its  profits  should  be  reduced  to  the  lowest  grade  of 
percentage,  and  that  instead  of  the  cornucopia  of  abundance,  which 
in  our  late  trade  was  the  result  of  the  general  war  in  Europe,  we 
shall  find  it  harder  to  gain  a  dollar  on  the  ocean,  than  we  did  to 
gain  ten,  when  fortune  made  us  the  carriers  of  the  world. 

This  has.  in  a  measure,  already  exemplified  itself,  by  the  doubt 
and  hesitation  which  has  marked  every  commercial  movement  since 
the  cessation  of  hostilities  ;  and  if,  on  the  very  outset  of  our  pacific 
career,  this  truth  has  already  developed  itself,  when  a  reciprocal 
interchange  of  various  articles  interdicted  in  a  state  of  war,  invited  a 
certain  portion  of  commerce  ;  how  much  more  forcibly  would  it  dis 
play  itself,  when  that  interchange,  so  long  denied  to  nations  and 
ourselves,  was  satisfied  and  became  limited  merely  to  that  supply 
necessary  for  annual  consumption. 

Although  Europe  be  at  this  moment  in  a  very  unsettled  condi 
tion,  and  the  return  of  Bonaparte,  as  well  as  her  opposing  interests, 
!*»B  towards  involviog  her  again  IB  hostilities  before  many  moaths. 


14 

yet  wisdom  dictates,  that  uncertain  events  should  never  be  relied  on, 
and  it  behoves  us  not  only  to  look  to  the  actual  state  of  affairs,  as 
they  now  stand,  but  to  be  ready  to  receive  with  an  open  palm  the  favor 
of « ither  chance  or  fortune,  or  be  equally  ready  to  oppose  adversity, 
sb  mid  she  approach,  by  the  maxims  of  the  goddess  Minerva  in  prac 
tice.  Should  peace  yet  be  maintained  in  Europe,  and  it  is  more  natu 
ral  to  look  towards  this  event  than  to  calculate  on  an  eternal  system 
of  warfare7,*  our  commerce  must  consequently  be  confined  to  those 
an  Seles  of  necessity,  the  natural  growth  of  these  states,  which  may 
not  be  the  productions  of  Europe,  or  cultivated  at  least  in  a  minim 
proportion  to  their  wants ;  and  our  system  of  exchange  of  articles 
must  be  solely  limited  to  those  which  may  be  necessary  for  our  own 

consumption,  whether  in  the  crude  state,  or  that  of  manufacture. 

The  commerce  of  America,  from  the  year  1 793,  until  the  late 
conclusion  of  the  European  peace,  was  profitable  beyond  any  cal 
culation  in  record.  The  powers  of  Europe,  militating  one  against 
the  other,  combatting  one  year  in  the  cause  of  France,  and  the 
next  on  the  side  of  England ;  each  drawn  progressively,  for 
their  own  momentary  salvation,  into  the  contest,  completely  over 
turned  the  whole  commercial  economy  as  well  as  the  productive  in 
dustry  of  continental  Europe.  Their  states  and  their  kingdoms, 
from  the  prince  who  reigned  to  the  meanest  peasant,  were  thrown  into 
distraction  and  confusion — the  stimilus  to  industry  or  agriculture 
was  no  more.  The  fields  the  farmer  plowed,  the  grain  he  sowed, 
and  the  harvest  he  hoped  to  reap,  were  no  longer  in  existence— the 
enemy  might  come — was  coming — and  would  arrive — and  what 
avail  is  industry,  when  it  is  to  be  the  prey  for  pillage  ?  where  is  the 
stimulus  for  labour  but  in  gain  ?  Such  were  the  woful  reflections,  of 
many  an  honest  husbandman  on  both  sides  of  the  political  arena. 
What  then  was  more  natural,  than  America,  by  the  general  necessi 
ty  becoming  the  carrier  of  nearly  all  the  Christian  world  ?  England 
aWne  ameng  all  the  nations^in  the  map  of  Europe,  who  held  a  name  or 


And  even  tl 


restoration  of  Napoleon,  although  it  at  present  bears  the  mo»?r 
menacing  front,  may  nevertheless  lead  to  this  event,  and  even  in  fixing  the  repose  of 
Europe  on  a  more  solid  basis,  either  by  his  death,  «r  by  his  being  made  a  party  i« 
th«  general  congrew,  neither  of  whick  events  are  out  »f  tfee  liae  »f  probability. 


13 

consequence,  maintained  any  commerce.  By  (he  influence  of  bev 
navy  she  was  able  to  sustain  her  trade  with  her  colonies;  yet  even 
in  I  his  commerce  she  was  obliged  to  maintain  it  by  an  expense  un 
known  and  unfelt  by  the  United  States  at  that  periud.  The  im 
mense  expenditure,  which  (he  support  of  a  navy  like  that  of  Eng 
land  must  occasion,  will  be  well  understood  without  a  comment, 
and  the  enviable  situation,  in  which  (he  United  States  enjoyed  the 
freedom  of  the  ocean  and  the  commerce  of  the  world,  will  be  also 
comprehended  without  any  illustration. 

This,  and  this  alone  it  was,  which  excited  the  jealousy  and  envy 
of  England,  which  produced  the  capture  of  our  vessels  bound  to 
France  in  1793  to  1796,  which  led  to  those  orders  ot  council  in 
England  condemning  the  trading  of  vessels  from  one  port  to  another 
of  a  different  nation,  (known  und^r  the  general  term  of  trading  roija- 
gcs,)  and  obliging  the  vessel  to  clear  from,  and  return  to,  her  native 
port. — It  was  this,  which  next  produced  the  strict  examination  of 
the  role  d'equipage,  ultimately  producing  the  late  obnoxious  er- 
derf  in  council  which  eventuated  in  war. 

J  That  England  should  be  jealous  of  the  rising  greatness  of  Ameri 
ca  and  her  distended  commerce,  was  a  necessary  result  of  her  noli- 
cy,  but  in  the  moral  spirit  of  justice,  professed  by  civilians,  she  had 
no  more  right  to  make  manifest  that  jealousy  by  oppression,  than  any 
other  power — nor  indeed  so  much, — as  she  integrally  maintained  her 
commerce,  while  the  nations  of  Europe  were  without  its  benefits,  and 
dependent  on  America  and  herself  for  their  supplies  /besides,  as  the 
war  belonged  as  much  to  England  as  to  France,  or  was  rather  kept 
alive  by  her  policy,  and  was  maintained  more  for  the  preservation 
of  that  monopoly  which  has  made  her  a  power  of qonsequeuce  among 
nations,  than  for  any  conquests  or  aggrandizements  which  France 
might  meditate ;}  she  had  less  rea?on  for  complaint  against  the  tem 
porary  good  fortune  of  the  United  States  of  America  than  any  other 
power.-J-Frauce,  during  the  last  four  years  of  war,  introduced  ihe 
hostile  decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan ;  but  with,  ut  entering  into  the 
•tale  discussion,  of  whether  the  last  orders  in  council,  or  these  had 
priority;  none  who  consider  this  great  question  dispassionately,  wit! 
deny,  that  the  repeated  captures  and  acts  of  aggression  of  England 
kd  France  to  those  retaliating  measures,  denominated  the  contine«i» 
tal  lystem ;  which,  while  they  materially  affected  our  sectuii} ,  and 


16 

amounted  to  »H  infringement  of  our  rights,  aimrd  all  the  energy  of 
(heir  resentment  against  England.  The  edict  which  indiscrimi 
nately  doomed  to  conflagration  every  article  manufactured  in  Eng 
land,  or  the  growth  of  her  colonies,  was  a  link  of  the  same  chain, 
adopted  Icgctalionis.  against  the  legislative  code  of  England.  These 
retaliatory  acts  of  the  two  nations  manifested  a  rancour  rarely  be 
fore  seen,  and  threatened  a  \var  of  extermination.  Their  stand 
ards  might  have  floated  to  the  winds  of  heaven  on  either  side  with 
the  words  ad  internidoncm,  stamped  in  the  largest  characters,  with- 
oiil  creating  a  sentiment  of  surprise;  and  all  states  and  governments 
•were  taught  by  their  conflicting  foes,  that  any  of  their  subjects  were 
implicated  and  sacrificed  without  remorse,  who  aided,  however  in 
directly,  the  views  of  either. 

n£land  closed  the  whole  continent  of  Europe  by  decrees  and 
statutesJwhich  the  unrestrained  and  adventurous  spirit  of  Fredonians 
would  have  laughed  at — but  so  it  was — the  ports  of  Europe  were 
closed,  and  the  vast  dominions  of  France  were  left  without  a  ship 
or  seaport  of  trade.^Besides  this,  she  was  daily  stabbing  vitally  her  in 
terests  in  manufacture,  (the  only  traffic  of  industry  left  her,)  by  Jo- 
troducing  under  a  thousand  disguises,  the  manufactures  of  herself, 
and  her  Indian  possessions.  From  these  causes,  France  availing  her 
self  of  her  power,  drew  that  extended  circle  of  prohibition  which, 
while  it  fostered  her  internal  commerce,  aimed  a  death  blow  against 
the  designs,  as  well  as  the  revenue  of  England.  | 

Apologising  for  a  digression,  which  in  generafcourse,  I  trust  may 
not  be  deemed  irrelevant,  I  return  to  my  subject.  In  what  manner 
will  this  return  of  peace  affect  our  commerce  ?  As  we  have  before 
said,  provided  continental  Europe  be  at  peace,  the  ctmmerce  of  Ame 
rica,  must  be  very  limited^and  it  is  much  to  be  dreaded,  that  before 
{\\hfact  is  experimentally  displayed  to  our  adventurers,  that  great 
mischief  will  individually  befal  them.  It  was  within  a  few  years  back 
remarked,  by  many  a  navigator,  that  sail  where  you  would,  there  was 
no  nook,  no  port  so  small,  but  he  found  the  flag  of  America  before 
him.  Th<?  scene  may  now  be  changed,  these  states  may  no  longer 
be  the  universal  carrier,  and  the  stars  of  our  national  flag  may  not» 
for  some  time,  be  seen  triumphantly  waving  with  the  incalculable 
gains  of  a  distorted  commerce.  Europe  at  peace,  we  are  on  a  foot* 
ing  with  all  other  commercial  nations,  England  excepted,  who  wain^ 


17 

itins  a  superiority  by  possessing  more  colonies  than  any  other  pow. 
er,  regulating  aud  limiting  their  trade  according  to  their  -will  or 
iuterest,  at  tlie  same  time,  interdicting  the  United  Stales  from  any 
trade,  which  might  be  beneficial,  and  admitting  only  such  articles  as 
she  cannot  herself  supply. 

This  leads  us  naturally  to  inquire  into  what  effect  it  will  have 
upon  our  shipping,  and  whether  it  will  tend  to  their  increase  or  di 
minution,  and  my  opinion,  unhesitatingly  is,  that  it  will  operate  to 
ward  the  immediate  decrease  of  our  commercial  tonnage,  and  that 
too,  in  a  very  severe  degree,  without  salutary  measures  are  used  to 
prevent  it. 

Where  traffic  is  precarious,  and  its  profits  few  ;  where  a 
nation  only  enjoys  that  reduced  commerce,  admitting  solely  of  in 
terchange  of  its  overplus  productions,  on  a  limited  scale,  for  arti 
cles  of  a  foreign  growth  or  fabric,  which  may  suit  its  consumption 
or  habits,  there  can  exist  but  little  excitement  to  adventure.  Egre- 
giously  shall  those  be  mistaken  who  consider  that  the  dashing  mer 
chants  of  these  states  will,  as  heretofore,  be  the  money  making  men. 
The  present  system  will  return  to  that  of  the  old  plodding  times  of 
pounds,  shillings,  and  peace.  The  ledger,  and  profit  and  loss  ac 
count  will  require  a  careful  circumspection,  and  to  be  narrowly 
attended  to  in  all  foreign  traffic. «  A  very  moderate  profit  abroad 
will  leave  a  minimum  profit  on  return  after  payiug  freight  and  va 
rious  charges,  and  the  regular  percentage  on  imports,  will  nett  but 
little  on  their  sales  after  paying  outward  and  inward  duties. 

That  spirit  which  looked  upon  a  ship  as  a  prelude  to  a  fortune, 
which  considered  a  shipholder  as  the  monopolizer  of  gains,  will  feel 
a  shock  which  will  prostrate  all  the  hopes  and  calculations  of  the 
inexperienced  or  too  sanguine  adventureji|  An  apathetic  indiffe 
rence  will  naturally  succeed  to  this  dangerous  enthusiasm.  And 
those  who  meditated  alone  on  the  ocean  as  being  the  paternal  pro 
tector  of  their  fortunes,  will  have  the  current  of  their  feelings  chang 
ed,  and  will  look  to  iheir  maternni  earth  and  native  soil,  with  patient 
and  well-regulated  industry  for  a  moderate  support. 

With  no  more  ports  to  trade  with  than  before  the  war  of  1783, 
of  what  use  will  now  be  our  extensive  forests  of  shipping  ?  At  that 
epoch,  only  2  Indiameo  sailed  out  of  Philadelphia,  and  I  shall  not 
be  found  very  incorrect  iu  the  assertion,  that  oot  more  thao  7  or  S 

3 


18 

sailed  from  ail  the  ports  of  the  United  States.  Our  increase  of 
population  may,  perhaps,  warrant  a  double  trade  with  foreign  pos 
sessions,  and  a  double  importation,  but  further  than  this  we  cannot 
look  with  safety  (or  profit  or  success,  end  unless  our  exportation* 
keep  an  equal  pace  with  our  imports,  the  balance  of  trade  will  be 
injurious. 

The  different  maratime  powers  of  Europe  are  in  want  of  shipping, 
and  the  overplus  of  our  tonnage  will  oaturaHy  find  foreign  owners, 
and,  as  we  can,  upon  a  general  scale,  build  vessels  at  a  cheaper  rate 
than  most  of  the  nations  of  Europe,  one  species  of  our  industry 
will  meet  a  recompense  in  becoming  ship-builders  instead  of  ship 
owners. 

Dismissing  this  subject  without  further  remark,  we  have  now  to 
inquire  in  what  manner  peace  will  affect  agriculture,  manufactures, 
and  distillation. 

In  the  first  consists  the  natural,  unalienable,  and  progressive 
strength  of  the  nation ;  governed  and  fostered  by  the  omnipotent 
mercies  of  Providence,  by  the  genial  return  of  seasons,  and  brought 
to  maturity  and  abundance  by  the  hand  of  art  and  industry. — 
Throughout  our  distended  continent  agriculture  is  the  vivifying 
and  all-important  branch  of  labour  on  which  the  happiness  or  misery 
of  the  community  depends.  During  war,  however,  there  is  as  much 
speculation  and  hazard  attendant  on  this  employment  as  on  others; 
it  thus  frequently  happens,  that  farmers  become  rapidly  rich  or 
poor ;  are  superabundantly  paid  for  their  labour,  and  their  land,  or 
dwindle  and  become  distressed  for  want  of  an  adequate  price  for 
those  commodities  on  which  they  have  bestowed  both  time  and 
toil.  The  speculator  on  paper,  in  stocks,  or  any  other  ideal  re 
presentative  of  property  i^uot  more  liable  to  the  chances  of  profit 
and  loss  than  the  farmer  in  the  unsettled  times  of  war.  A  fluctua 
tion  of  20  to  50  per  cent,  either  in  the  rise  or  fall  of  an  article,  is 
oftentimes  witnessed  within  six  mouths,  and  although,  generally 
speaking,  the  farmers  throughout  these  states  have  been  more  for 
tunate  than  otherwise,  during  our  contest,  and  the  few  years  preceed- 
ing  it — yet  some  have  met  equal  adversity  with  the  merchant  or 
any  other  occupation. 

The  d  iy  of  peace  produces  a  general  level  with  agriculturists  in 
the  same  ratio  that  it  does  with  commerce.     That  extraordinary, 


aud  at  times,  unaccountable  rise  and  depression  of  articles  of  oiu 
ioternal  growth  is  no  more  to  be  looked  for  thau  the  rise  and  de 
pression  of  a  yard  of  broadcloth.  The  farmer,  therefore,  who  would 
calculate  his  gains  in  receiving  10  or  12  dollars  per  barrel,  for  his 
flour,  must  take  into  consideration  his  loss  if  he  realizes  but  3  or  4. 

The  real  value  of  a  barrel  of  flour,  iu  times  of  peace,  taking  it  in 
an  aggregate  and  comparative  view,  can  never  be  more  than  d  dol 
lars.  In  (he  months  succeeding  harvest,  and  when  the  greatest 
abundance  is  in  market,  it  will  not  command  this  price.  France, 
from  her  being  excluded  from  all  external  commerce,  and  not  allowed 
to  supply  hs-r  colonies,  even  during  the  season  of  war,  when  that 
dreadful  name  conscription  was  on  foot,  seldom  witnessed  her  flour  to 
exceed  36  francs,  or  something  less  than  seven  dollars  for  tlu:  200lb. 
In  the  year  1  795  alone,  owing  to  the  horrors  of  the  revolution  and 
a  failure  in  the  crops,  together  with  the  starvation  edicts  of  England, 
did  it  ever  take  an  enormous  rise  ?  and  the  policy  of  the  government 
soon  checked  this  evil  so  pregnant  with  many  others. 

Whilst  treating  on  this  subject,  it  may  be  well  to  notice,  that  the 
period  is  not  distant  when  South  America  aud  Mexico  will  like 
wise  be  important  granaries;  the  reason  this  has  not  already  ta 
ken  place,  arises  not  so  much  from  limited  population,  as  from  the 
restrictions  that  Spain  has  for  three  centuries  persevered  in,  against 
the  settlement  of  foreigners  in  her  dominions,  from  the  barbarous 
and  antisocial  system  of  her  political  institutions,  whose  cardi 
nal  principle  consisted  in  the  necestdly  of  keeping  17  millions  of  in 
habitants,  in  this  vast  continent,  in  the  lowest  state  of  ignorance 
and  misery,  in  order  to  swell  the  pomp,  and  nurture  the  disposition 
of  a  parcel  of  monks  and  mountebanks  on  a  little  peninsula  of 
Europe. 

The  laws  of  nature  and  reason  will  no  longer  be  violated  in  such  an 
outrageous  manner,  as  they  have  been  for  ages,  on  this  beautiful  con 
tinent  ;  the  bounties  of  a  beneficent  God  will  be,  ere  long,  displayed 
throughout  this  hemisphere,  aud  millions  of  unborn  descendants  of 
Europeans,  as  well  as  the  offspring  of  the  Incas,  will  bless  the 
names  of  those  who,  in  this  century,  have  so  largely  contributed 
to  the  emancipation  of  the  western  world,  from  the  feudal  chains 
•f  Europe.  But  to  return  to  my  subject.  I  think  it  very  pro- 


20 

bablc,  that  in  less  than  30  years,  South  America  and  Mexico  wiir 
be  enabled  to  export  immeuse  quantities  of  grain. 

Wheat  grows  in  abundance  in  almost  every  part  of  this  continent. 
Indian  corn  may  be  cultivated  every  where.  The  banks  of  the  ri 
ver  Magdalcua,  as  well  as  all  the  adjacent  country,  already  yields 
a  superabundance  of  rice.  A  few  years  ago  there  was  scarcely  suffi 
cient  raised  for  the  consumption  of  the  country ;  but  since  the  peo 
ple  have  declared  themselves  independent  of  Spain,  and  the  new 
government  have  removed  the  shackles  from  commerce  and  agri 
culture,  the  change  produced  has  been  truly  magicah 

There  are  now  above  a  hundred  rice  plantations,  where  there  was 
one  four  years  back.  During  the  late  war  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  many  vessels  of  considerable  tonnage 
were  loaded  with  this  article  at  Carthagena  and  on  the  coast,  for 
Jamaica ;  i:  became  so  abundant  that  the  price  was  as  low  as  two, 
to  two  and  a  half  dollars  a  hundred  weight.  The  grain  is  equally, 
or,  perhaps,  more  nutritious  than  our  Carolina  rice;  it  is  not  as  well 
cleaned,  but  that  circumstance  will  be  remedied  by  the  improve 
ments  that  are  rapidly  finding  their  way  to  those  countries.  There 
is  no  doubt  in  my  mind,  that  in  a  tew  years  rice  will  rank  among 
the  exports  of  Carthagena,  not  only  for  the  West  Indies,  but  for  the 
European  markets;  and  there  is  likewise  no  doubt,  that  it  can  be 
raised  in  this  part  of  New  Grenada  without  many  of  the  disadvan 
tages  attached  to  its  culture  in  Carolina  and  Georgia. 

The  wheat  that  now  comes  down  Jhe  river  Magdalena,  from  a 
place  called  Ocana.  in  the  interior,  is  equal  in  quality  and  flavour 
to  the  Barbary  grain.  The  flour,  at  present  made,  is  not  quite  as 
white  as  ours,  but  will  be  equally  so,  when  proper  attention  is  di 
rected  towards  manufacturing  it. 

Tobacco  and  cotton^  in  all  their  various  qualities,  may  be  suc 
cessfully  cultivated  in  almost  every  part  of  these  regions,  and  in  fact, 
nature  has  so  peculiarly  endowed  this  part  of  the  earth  with  all  the 
varieties  of  climate  and  soil,  that  it  not  only  yields  indigenous  ar 
ticles,  which  no  other  part  of  the  earth  can  ever  rival,  but  is  capable 
of  producing  whatever  can  be  raised  in  either  zone. 

These  remarks  will,  no  doubt,  have  their  due  weight  with  many 
of  my  reflecting  readers,  and  may  teach  our  landed  proprietors  t« 
reflect,  that  neither  they  nor  their  heirs  are  to  calculate  on  the  Unit- 


ed  States  being,  as  they  have  hitherto  been,  the  unrivalled  granary 
of  the  universe. 

The  agriculturist,  in  a  time  of  peace,  must,  therefore,  look  mere 
to  the  wants  of  the  community  at  home  than  to  those  abroad.  Our 
southern  planters  of  rice,  cotton,  and  tobacco  will,  no  doubt,  enjoy 
the  great  benefit  of  a  foreign  market ;  but  as  all  those  articles  are 
the  growth  of  foreign  countries,  they  must  not  calculate  on  the  ex 
clusive  supply  of  them  ;  but  that  their  prices  will  be  governed  by 
the  same  limitation  which  extends  to  every  other  article  the  pro 
duce  of  the  earth. 

The  cultivation  of  various  articles,  some  of  which  we  yet  import 
from  abroad,  and  others  of  too  limited  a  culture,  will  be  found  to  be 
attended  with  more  profit  to  the  farmer  than  many  others  hitherto 
considered  of  the  first  importance — such  as  woad,  an  article  easily 
raised  and  of  great  value  in  dying.  The  olive  tree,  which  has  al 
ready  been  known  to  thrive  in  our  climate,  and  if  I  am  not  mistaken, 
has  been  cultivated  by  our  president,  Jefferson,  is  another  article, 
opening  a  wide  field,  which  would  well  repay  its  first  cultivators. 
Mustard  seed  is  an  article  which  reflects  a  shame  on  our  agricultur 
ists,  that  it  is  not  produced  in  abundance  among  us.  This  article 
sold  for  two  dollars  aud  even  three  dollars  per  pound  during  the  war, 
which  might  give  a  great  piofit  to  the  cultivator  at  50  cents,  or  in 
deed,  one  half  that  price.  Ginseng,  a  plant  indigenous  to  our  soil, 
has  not  sufficient  attention ;  ten  times  the  quantity  might  meet  a 
good  market  that  is  now.  raised.  The  Spanish  tobacco  plant,  the 
seed  of  which  cao  easily  be  imported  from  Cuba,  would  yield  con 
siderable  profit  to  those  whose  lands  were  genial  to  its  cultiva 
tion.  In  this  article  the  agriculturist  should  be  particularly  careful 
in  his  choice  of  land,  in  which  he  may  make  his  essay,  and  should 
inform  himself  well  on  this  subject,  in  which  there  is  no  difficulty  to 
insure  success  in  his  project.  Hops,  senna,  ginger,  turmeric,  rhubarb, 
and  many  other  articles  of  inferior  grades  and  value  might  be  men 
tioned,  which  would  suit  our  soil  and  various  climate. 

The  cultivation  of  the  vine  too,  which  hitherto,-  more  from  inat 
tention  to  soil  aud  climate,  has,  as  yet,  been  unsuccessful,  will  one 
day  bounteously  repay  the  more  prudent  and  successful  cultiva 
tor.  Doctor  Logan,  io  a  letter  written  from  Stentou,  in  February, 
1 799,  gives,  in  my  opinion,  some  useful  hints  on  this  subject ;  he  is 


88 

guided  in  his  remarks,  however,  by  the  climate  of  France,  in  which 
he  saw  them  cultivated.  A  due  attention  to  th.  remarks  made  by 
Doctor  Logan,  and  adapting  them  to  the  climate  and  soil  in  which 
this  essay  may  be  made,  will  most  likely  be  attended  with  success. 
The  gum  tree,  a  native  of  Africa,  known  better  by  the  general 
term  Senegal  gum,  and  which  is  used  in  almost  all  muuufactures  of 
linen  and  cotton,  by  hatters,  and  also  by  apothecaries,  under  the 
name  of  gum  arable,  might  be  successfully  transplanied  from  that 
country,  and  thousands  of  acres  of  our  land  in  Geoigia,  Florida, 
and  West  Louisiana,  unproductive  at  present  to  their  holders,  (many 
of  them  barren  sands,)  might,  in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  without 
any  labour,  (for  the  tree  requires  none,)  become  flourishing  forests  of 
this  valuable  thorn,  producing  mines  of  wealth  from  this  exotic 
gum  ;  the  value  of  which  has  been  so  highly  estimated,  that  the  na 
tion,  whether  France  or  England,  who  had  possession  of  the  colony 
of  Senegal,  al ways  debarred  the  world  from  any  interference  in  her 
monopoly  of  (his  article.  The  only  exception  to  this  general  prin 
ciple  was,  while  France,  unable  to  assist  her  colonies,  threw  them 
op'  n  to  neutral  commerce.  This  tree,  which  grows  to  the  height  of 
10  to  1£  feet,  if  planted  for  the  purpose  of  hedges,  might  be  made  be 
neficial  in  a  double  manner,  forming  a  safe  barrier  to  all  iuclosures, 
and  yielding  at  the  same  time  a  revenue  to  the  possessor.  Should 
there  be  any  impediment  in  procuring  this  from  Senegal,  England 
now  holding  possession  of  St.  Louis,  and  preserving  her  monopoly  by 
interdicting  all  trade  but  her  own,  it  may  be  found  in  abundance 
on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  Barbary,  although  it  does  not  flourish  to  the 
extent  to  yield  the  exportation  of  its  gum.  These  are  not  Utopian 
ideas.  Experience  has  proved,  by  the  introduction  and  growth  of 
the  cotton  plant  within  a  few  years  in  the  southern  states,  as  well  as 
the  sugar  cane,  the  genial  properties  of  our  soil  and  climate;  and 
the  extent  of  those  advantages  a  Benevolent  Deity  has  yet  in  store, 
for  the  industry  and  enterprise  of  the  citizens  of  this  favoured 
region. 

Maoy  other  articles  of  foreign  growth,  as  yet  unknown  and  un- 
cultivated  among  us,  may  strike  the  imagination  of  the  reader  and 
researcher,  which  might  be  of  equal  importance  to  attend  to;  those 
already  mentioned,  however,  are  sufficient  to  demonstrate,  thai  we 
have  not  yet  paid  all  that  attention  to  enriching  our  soil,  or  reaping 


23 

from  it  all  tho?e  bounties  with  which  the  beneficient  hand  of  the 
Creator  has  so  liberally  visitedthe  earth. 

la  a  state  of  civil  society,  to  what  other  object  thau  wealth 
is  the  toil  of  mau  directed.  The  wisest  man  may  he  said  to 
work  the  least,  as  he  employs  himself  on  those  objects  which 
may  be  the  most  productive,  aud  yield  him  the  highest  price 
for  his  labour.  The  nearest  road  to  wealth  is  the  one  gener 
ally  sought  for,  though  thousands  miss  the  track.  Those  who 
pursue  the  beaten  foot-way  of  their  ancestors,  and  are  never  in 
duced  to  swerve  from  it,  however  alluring  the  prospect,  may  rank 
perhaps,  among  the  most  prudent  and  unaspiring.  They  enjoy  a 
dull  monotony,  and  their  slumber*  are  never  disturbed  by  doubts 
or  enlivened  by  the  imagery  of  hope — they  have  nothing  to  gain  or 
lose  in  the  great  lottery  of  fortune.  To  such  men  an  innovation 
or  experiment  is  as  the  forbidden  fruit,  one  which,  as  their  forefa. 
thers  never  tasted,  they  maintain  the  same  self  denial.  Howerer  se 
cure  tliis  wary  prudence  may  make  such  men,  unhappy  for  the 
world  would  it  be,  did  such  a  general  apathy  prerail.  Where,  alas ! 
would  be  the  arts  and  sciences,  the  refinements  and  improvements, 
and  those  useful  discoveries,  which  adorn  the  history  of  revolving 
years  and  ameliorate  tbe  condition  of  mankind  ?  Soon,  indeed, 
would  they  vanish  from  our  sight  buried  in  the  gloom  of  gotbic  ig 
norance.  .But,  fortunately  for  the  world,  these  are  r.he  smallest  por 
tion  of  society.  The  majority,  and  particularly  in  this  country,  pos 
sess  an  ardent  spirit  for  adventure  and  experiment ;  an  enthusiasm 
for  improvement  and  discovery  by  no  means  general  throughout 
Europe.  It  is  this  which  bag  given  us  a  tide  of  prosperity  in  com 
merce,  unexperienced  in  the  history  of  the  world — it  is  this  which 
has  stimulated  us  as  inhabitants  of  a  vast  and  free  region,  not  only 
to  dive  into  the  mysteries  of  foreign  commerce,  but  to  extract  from  it 
all  that  is  valuable  to  ourselves.  The  improvements  of  Europe,  and 
^refinements,  rose  from  a  state  of  barbarism  and  villauage  pro 
giessively,  and  varied  the  scene  from  savage  to  social  life  by  slow 
gradations.  The  itates  ©f  America  were  ushered  into  existence  un 
der  all  the  advantages  of  modern  ethics  and  philosophy.  From  the 
date  of  the  declaration  of  their  independence,  they  may  be  said  to 
have  been  born  and  nurtured  under  the  first  couptellatious  of  ge 
nius  that  ever  illumined  the  world ;  the  doctrines  and  tenets 
tf  a  Newion  aud  a  Locke,  a  Voloey  and  a  Lelaud,  were  all  uoder- 


24 

itood  and  investigated  by  a  Kittenhouse  and  a  Franklin,  a  Jefferson 
and  a  Hamilton;  and  in  place  of  gradual  steps  to  information,  we 
had  the  arcana  of  Europe  unveiled  to  us,   thereby  affording  an  op 
portunity  to  demonstrate  the  boldness  and  extent  of  native  genius, 
vhen  unencumbered  by  prejudice,   and  unrestrained  by  despotism. 
To  the  euterprize  and  researches  of  a  Fulton,  do  we  owe  the  vast 
advantages  which  have   been   alieady  derived,    aud  are  likely  to 
progress  to  an  unlimited  extent,  from  the  discovery  of  a  proper  aud 
powerful    application   of  steam,  in   impelling  the  "  skarfed  bark." 
through    her  liquid  element,  and  directing  her  course    with  swift 
ness,  in  opposition  to  the  winds  of  Heaven,  aud  in  defiance  of  coun 
ter  currents.     The   uew,  the  wonderful,  and  yet  uuthought-of  ad 
vantages  to   which  this   great   improvement  may  extend,  is  a  fair 
field  for  reflecting  genius  to  predicate  both  fortune  aud  fame  by  its 
application  to  useful  objects,  aud  to  the  economy  of  time  and  labour. 
The  historian  of  America  shall  with  enthusiastic  fervour  dwell  upon 
the  memory  of  this  liberal  and  enlightened  citizen,  and  shall,  iu  the 
general  sentiment  of  his  cotemporaries,  deplore  the  irreparable  loss 
the  arts  have  suffered  by  the  short  duration  of  his  earthly  career. 
Had  more  extended  years  been  allotted  him  by  the  fiat  of  Omnipo 
tence,  that  masterly  and  energetic  genius  might  have   discovered 
still  stronger  traits,  and  have  furnished  even  more  brilliaut  facts  to 
philosophy  than  those  with  which  he  has  adorned  it. 

Reverting  to  my  subject  of  the  adventure,  inherent  in  my  coun 
trymen,  it  strikes  me  that  the  same  wisdom  and  researches  which 
unfolded  riches  to  their  view  iu  traversing  the  ocean,  will  now  be 
directed  to  their  pursuits  on  land. 

The  same  spirit  of  industry  in  the  establishments  of  landed  pro 
perties,  with  productive  incomes,  may  be  looked  for  at  home,  which 
hag  within  these  last  twenty  years  been  directed  abroad  in  foreign 
speculations.  The  careful  culture  of  new  and  valuable  plants,  herbs, 
trees,  Arc.  hitherto  considered  as  exotics,  wi'lno  doubt,  interest  rrio»'* 
or  less  the  genius  of  my  country  meu — and  should  there  not 
a  sufficient  enthusiasm  excited,  or  doubts  and  dreads  a* 
with  regard  to  the  success,  which  might  or  might  not  be  their  attend- 
anti,  ii  would  be  a  just  and  generous  act  of  policy  in  the  government, 
in  the  first  instance,  to  establish  nurseries  and  agricultural  semina 
ries,  until  the  general  principles  regarding  their  culture  should  be 


25 

well  understood.  SHEEP,  particularly  the  MERINO  breed,  will  re 
quire  the  fostering  hand  of  government  for  their  prosperous  cultiva 
tion  and  increase.  On,  these  however,  I  defer  my  remarks  for  ano 
ther  chapter. 

A  In  a  general  view,  therefore,  of  the  question  whether  the  agricul 
tural  interest  will  be  benefitted  by  the  restoration  of  peace,  in  the 
present  posture  of  affairs  with  the  rest  of  the  world,  it  is  my  opinion, 
that  for  the  few  occurring  years,  until  some  new  channels  for  indus 
try  are  opened,  the  labour  of  the  farmer  will  be  increased  and  his 
profits  diminished.  Enthusiastic,  like  all  other  callings  and  profes 
sions  in  life,  the  farmer  will  at  once  employ  great  labour  to  procure 
great  crops,  but  he  will  be  doomed  to  meet  a  sad  reverse  in  his  sales 
from  what  he  has  long  been  accustomed  to  receive.  The  treasona 
ble  and  demoralized  principle  of  furnishing  flour  and  various  arti 
cles  of  provision,  to  the  enemy  during  a  state  of  war,  has  been  one 
great  cause  for  the  price  which  wheat  has  hitherto  sustained^  The 
cultivator  of  the  earth  will  now  discover  that  in  the  beaten  track 
of  his  forefathers,  small  profits  will  furnish  him  a  livelihood,  but 
should  he,  in  the  day  of  general  peace,  look  for  the  same  emoluments 
which  arose  from  the  confusion  of  a  general  war,  and  the  distractions 
of  Europe,  he  will  meet  a  woful  disappointment. 

A  great  source  of  wealth  to  many  of  our  industrious  inhabitants 
of  the  remote  parts  of  the  states  of  Penngylvania,  ^few-York,  Vir 
ginia,  Maryland,  and  Kentucky,  has  been  produced  by  the  fermen 
tation  of  grains  and  fruits,  under  the  operation  of  distillation.  These 
liquors  were  disseminated  throughout  the  union,  were  vended  in 
large  quantities  in  the  commercial  cities,  and  in  them  frequently 
underwent  the  operation  of  the  liquor-vender  or  brewer;  who,  by 
the  aid  of  certain  drugs,  by  mixtures,  &c.  produced  a  liquor  assi 
milated  to  those  imported  from  abroad,  and  such  as  might  suit  the 
general  demand,  either  *br  the  consumption  of  the  country  or  suit 
able  for  exportation.  •  Vast  quantities  of  this  distillation  of  our 
country,  properly  known  under  the  name  of  whisky  was  manufac 
tured  and  changed  into  brandy,  cherry-bounce,  Holland  gin,  Ja 
maica  and  Antigua  rum.  and  various  liqueurs  which  met  a  icady 
sale  at  foreign  markets,  and  a  considerable  consumption  in  our 
own.  The  events  anterior  to  the  war  which  occasioned  but  a  par 
tial  introduction  of  foreign  spirit?,  and  the  war,  which  afterwards 
produced  almost  their  utter  exclusion,  gave  to  the  proprietors  of 


26 

stills,  an  advantage  which  no  other  causes  could  have  operated.  The 
fermented  spirits  they  produced,  and  which  hitherto  had  neyerbeen 
varied   from  its  original  distillation,  now  assumed  the  character  of 
the  camelion,  and  changed  from  white  to  red,  to  green  or  blue,  at 
the  option  of  its  possessor ;  it  partook  of  the  taste  of  the  juniper,  oj 
sugar  cane,  and  various  other  ingredients,  and  was  sold  under  an 
hundred  different  shapes  and  titles.     Atone  period,  duriug  the  war, 
rye  and  Indian  corn,  as  being  the  staple  and  best  articles  for  pro 
ducing  this  liquor,  assumed  a  price  nearly  equal  to  wheat ;  although 
their  actual  value  and  cost  of  raising,  is  not  entitled  to  more  than 
one  half,  or  one-third.     Apples  rose  to  a  price  never  known  before, 
and  even  turnips  and  potatoes  as  a  substitute  and  succedaneum, 
claimed  a  value  they  never  before  had  seen  in  the  history  of  this  na 
tion.     Stills  multiplied  in  all  quarters,  and  those  who  lived  in  cities, 
under  every  disadvantage,  erected  them;  whilst  formerly  none  but 
the  farmers  who  could  make  them  an  auxiliary  to  the  fattening  of 
his  pork,  by  the  redundancy  of  grain,  could  ever  consider  them  as 
attended  with  profit. 

The  distiller,  however,  must  now  calculate  on  very  reduced  pro 
fits,  and  the  tax  on  his  still  will  reduce  it  still  lower.  The  price  that 
he  obtained  for  his  unadulterated  and  pure  corn  whisky,  will  now 
in  a  short  time,  purchase  the  rum  of  the  West  Indies,  or  the  bran 
dies  of  France;  and  as  every  native  liquor  is  the  be^t,  no  ooc  will 
loach  the  brewed  or  manufactured  whisky,  in  the  shape  of  either 
brandy,  gin,  or  spirits,  while  the  genuine  is  to  be  procured  on  equal 
terms.  It  naturally  follows,  that  distillation  will  be  attended  with 
many  misfortunes;  a  decrease  of  stills  will  ensue,  and  the  price  ob 
tained  for  these  last  three  years,  for  rye  and  other  grains,  as  well 
as  fruits  and  roois  of  the  earth,  will  decrease  in  a  certain  ratio, 
though  I  am  deceived  if  they  will  decrease  in  the  same  proportion 
as  the  recu't  of  fhe  still. 

In  this  light  I  am  inclined  to  consider  the  distiller  of  fermented 
liquors,  as  one  of  the  many  sufferers  by  the  change  of  the  times;  and 
it  deeply  behoves  him  to  be  on  his  ward  ag-iinst  the  reduction  of 
price,  which  must  naturally  ornn  ;  an4  also,  the  diminishing  de 
mand  soth  *t  home  acd  abroad,  particularly  that  which  latterly  has 
been  occasioned  by  the  various  armies  of  ihe  United  States,  and 


27 

which,  in  IOBI  and  consumption,  carried  off  immense  quantities  of  this 
article. 

The  manufacturer  next  engages,  in  a  very  serious  manner,  ray  at 
tention  ;  if  any  class  of  our  citizens  will  suffer  great  injury  from  the 
transition  of  the  times,  it  is  likely  to  be  the  patriotic,  the  enthusi 
astic  and  adventurous  mauufacturer.  |The  benefits  derived  by  the 
United  States  during  the  contest  with  Great  Britain,  by  the  indus 
try  employed  in  manufacturing  various  cloths  of  cotton,  linen,  and 
woollen,  &c.  by  the  erection  and  establishment  of  various  machine 
ries,  the  numerous  and  inappreciable  establishments  founded  ou  the 
improved  chymestry,  the  mineral  and  metallic  productions  necessary 
to  other  civil  arts,  are  all  likely  to  be  but  indifferently  repaid  to 
the  capitalist,  who  embarked  his  fortune  iu  >hese  pursuits.  The  be 
nefits  derived  by  the  nation  have  been  numerous,  and  far  greater 
than  a  general  observer  would  suppose.  Jn  a  time  of  war  to  foster 
and  encourage  the  artizau  in  such  employments  as  were  calculated 
to  alleviate  the  wants  of  the  community,  and  particularly  tfie  sol 
dier  in  the  service  of  his  country,  was  a  natural  and  interested  feel 
ing  in  the  government ;  a  decided  preference  was,  therefore,  shown 
to  the  manufactures  of  our  own  people;  and  contracts,  by  the  agents 
appointed  by  government,  were  entered  into  for  large  supplies  ot  ne 
cessary  articles  for  clothing,  expressly  stipulating,  that  they  were 
the  fabric  of  the  country.  Almost  every  article  of  clothing  which 
were  furnished  to  the  troops  of  the  United  States,  not  excepting 
blankets,  were  the  manufacture  of  our  own  citizens;  and  the  last 
mentioned  article,  manufactured  in  a  particular  manner,  (a  mixture 
of  cotton  and  wool,)  possessing  superior  properties  in  many  respects, 
for  the  service  of  the  camp,  afforded  greater  comforts  to  the  sol 
dier,  than  two  of  those  imported,  and  heretofore  generally  used. 

The  great  expense  to  which  the  manufacturing  capitalist  has 
been  submitted,  in  the  new  career  in  which  he  started,  whether 
guided  by  interest  or  stimulated  by  patriotism,  or  by  both,  is  likely 
to  eventuate  in  much  disappointment  and  loss.l 
*The  interest  of  England  urges  ber  by  ever]/  means  to  force  her 
various  fabrics  into  the  most  general  circulation ;  and  the  trade  with 
the  greatly  extended  territory  of  these  states,  diversified  by  various 
seasons  and  climates,  has  been  ever  considered  the  most  profitable 
and  important  that  England  enjoyed.  1  Interest,  the  polar  star 


28 

of  nations,  (as  well  as  individuals,)  directs  her  to  pursue  that  path 
which  \\  ill  aid  and  encourage  the  exportation  of  hei  manufactures 
and  her  traffic  with  America ;  and  the  height  of  refiiu-meBt  to 
which  her  artizans  have  arrived,  gives  her  a  decided  preference 
even  in  the  opinion  and  fancy  of  our  own  citizens,  to  similar  goods 
of  natural  fabrication.  »' 

The  proper  distribution  of  colours,  the  just  appropriation  of 
light  and  shade,  the  evenness  of  thread — and  above  all,  the  exqui 
site  finish  and  jjlaze,  which  certain  goods  receive  from  the  hand  of 
the  adept,  naturally  gives  them  a  value  in  the  eye  of  every  behold 
er.  Besides  which,  there  is  another  provocative  to  value  and 
choice — that  indefineable  something  which  exists  under  the  name 
of  fa  hion,  and  which  imperiously  governs  the  fancy  and  caprice  of 
the  world.  As  hitherto  Europe,  and  particulary  England  and 
France,  have  been  the  rabiters  and  precedents  of  this  camelion  god 
dess,  even  across  the  Atlantic ;  it  will  be  found  an  unattainable 
effort  to  correct  this  despotism  of  fancy,  without  a  strong  induce 
ment  operating  sensibly  on  the  interests  of  the  community. 

It  may  be  argued  that  patriotism  shonld  stimulate  us  to  encour 
age  the  workmen  and  mechanics  of  our  native  soil,  but  it  would  be 
argued  in  vain.  Will  any  one  of  us  purchase  an  article  made  at 
home}  of  a  thread  more  uneven,  of  an  inferior  finish,  of  a  fashion 
out  of  date,  merely  because  it  was  made  at  home,  wheu  for  the 
same,  or  perhaps  less  money,  we  can  procure  the  newest  fashion  of 
England,  carrying  with  it  colours  better  executed,  and  an  appear 
ance  more  beautiful  ?  Even  admitting  that  the  article  might  be 
stronger  and  wear  better,  unless  the  eye  and  fancy  were  pleased, 
there  must  be  a  greater  stimulus  to  obtain  it  a  preference — videlicet^ 
its  price. 

Notwithstanding  the  raw  material  may  be  the  natural  production 
of  our  soil;  the  low  price  of  labour,  and  the  high  perfection  to  which 
machinery  has  been  brought  in  Europe,  gives  the  manufacturer 
abroad,  and  particularly  England,  (as  having  the  articles  most  suited 
to  our  wants,)  a  decided  advantage  over  this  country.  And  those 
articles,  after  paying  all  charges  abroad,  the  freight  across  the  ocean, 
and  the  import  duty  at  home,  can  yet  afford  a  commission  and  a 
profit,  and  undersell  that  manufactured  by  ourselves  of  the  same 
texture ;  and  what  is  a  necessary  and  a  serious  part  tf  these  coasi- 


29 

derations  is,  the  mercantile  policy  united  with  the  policy  of  her;;enj- 
er,  undeviatingly  pursued  by  England  through  the  medium  of  her 
bounties,  drawbacks,  and  the  system  of  long  credits  established 
by  the  traders  of  that  nation ;  the  great  sacrifices  they  are  always 
ready  to  make,  in  order  to  destroy  competition,  in  order  to  secure 
a  market,  and  the  political  influence  which  is  always  connected 
with  her  agency,  which  will  be  a  formidable  antagonist  to  our  do 
mestic  ingenuity  and  industry. 

That  these  men  who  have  aided  by  their  enterprise  and  activity 
ihe  general  government,  and  the  nation  at  large,  in  the  employ 
ment  of  their  energies  and  capitals ;  who  hare  clothed  the  sol 
dier  in  his  camp,  providing  also  for  the  daily  wants  of  a  vast 
continent ;  should,  in  a  day  of  peace,  and  what  is  termed  general 
joy,  be  thrown  from  employment  and  involved  in  difficulties  and 
distress,  is  a  reflection  which  roust  arrest  the  attention  and  feelings 
of  our  rulers  and  the  community. 


30 


CHAPTER  III. 

How  far  the  general  government  can  protect  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States  under  changes  of  War  to  Peace — The  necessity  of 
calling  a  Convention,  its  legality  and  its  effects  considered — Ex 
ports  particularly  noticed — Imports  considered — Manufactures, 
the  Economy  resulting  therefrom — Export  duties  on  Wheat,  Cot' 
ton*  and  other  articles,  considtred — Canals  and  Roads  considered — 
The  necessity  of  Government  holding  those  improvements  in  their 
own  hands — The  abuse  of  Lotteries,  &c. 

The  preceding  chapter  has  been  employed  to  demonstrate  that 
neither  the  merchant,  the  agriculturist,  nor  the  artizan,  (particular 
ly  the  one  exclusively  employed  in  fabricks,)  will  receive  any  of 
those  various  benefits  which  were  looked  upon  to  be  the  result  of 
the  return  of  peace;  but  on  the  contrary,  that  each  will  be  likely  to 
experience  a  sudden  and  disastrous  check  in  their  pursuits,  and, 
thai  the  artizan,  or  manufacturing  capitalist,  is  the  most  exposed  to 
suffer  disappointment,  and  serious  inconvenience  by  the  revolution 
of  the  times. 

There  are  evils  in  human  life  which  admit  of  no  remedy  or  pal 
liation  ;  yet  in  political  ethics,  there  are  few  evils  so  bad  but  they 
might  be  reduced,  if  not  wholly  cured.  The  inquiry,  therefore,  is, 
in  what  manner  can  the  evils  likely  to  ensue,  be  deprecated,  and 
Jiow  far  is  it  in  the  power  of  thesr  states,  in  their  political  wisdom, 
to  extend  the  paieuta)  hand  to  protect  their  children  and  depend 
ants?  A  nation  is  rich,  powerful  and  envied,  only  by  its  wise  and 
just  administration.  Hitherto  the  United  States  have  been  the 
envy  of  the  Christian  trorld ;  and  thus  the  Buffering  subjects  of  the 
ancient  dynasties  of  Europe,  have  courted  emigration  to  our  shores, 
abandoning,  as  they  will  tell  you,  poverty  and  degradation  at  home, 
to  find  comfort,  if  net  wealth ;  and  a  character  in  society,  if  not  ho 
nours,  in  a  land  of  freedom.  It  is  sincerely  to  be  hoped  that  the 
same  wise  policy  which  has  conducted,  as  yet,  the  only  republic  in 
the  world,  to  happiness  and  fame,  may  still  exist;  and  that  this 


31 

day  of  general  peace,  which,  in  its  consequences,  seems  to  excite 
some  alarm  io  our  bosoms;  may  only  be  the  prelude  to  more  able 
and  just  plans,  to  preserve  our  prosperity,  and  crown  with  additioual 
honours  the  sachems  of  our  nation. 

In  order  to  prog!  ess  with  safety,  and  give  a  powerful  impetus  to 
those  measures,  which  it  may  prove  the  policy  of  the  United  Stales 
to  adopt,  it  appears  to  me  iudispensably  uecessary  that  a  conven 
tion  should  be  called  by  the  majority,  (if  not  the  unanimous  voice  of 
the  states,)  to  alter  and  amend  the  CONSTITUTION,  as  circumstances 
and  the  present  situation  of  the  world  may  require.  It  is  not  a  con- 
Tention  similar  to  the  Eastern  convention,  that  is  here  alluded  to; 
itic  not — but  I  forbear  from  expressions  on  this  subject — that  con 
vention  has  received  its  final  dismissal  to  the  "  tomb  of  the  Ca~ 
pulets  ;"  and  as  it  is  unmanly  to  level  a  blow  at  a  prostrate  and 
defeated  enemy,  however  insidious  were  his  designs;  I  refrain  from 
any  animadversions  on  its  motives,  or  its  principles.  The  conven 
tion  that  I  here  propose,  is  a  convention  by  the  unanimous  voice 
and  feelings  of  the  confederated  states;  or,  at  least  a  majority  of 
them;  in  a  day  of  peace  and  tranquillity;  and  after  our  contest  with 
the  greatest  maritime  power  of  the  world  has  ended  with  honour  to 
the  American  name.  If  this  can  be  effected,  I  think  the  measure 
will  be  attended  with  benefits  to  the  nation  ;  but  any  other  conven 
tion  than  one  constitutionally  authorised,  should  have  no  more 
weight  with  the  general  politics  and  municipal  regulations  of  the 
geaeral  government,  than  the  statistical  laws  and  regulation  of 
Georgia  <  r  Louisiana,  have  with  the  District  of  Maine. 

The  collected  wisdom  and  virtue  of  those  who  framed  the  consti 
tution  of  these  states,  produced,  as  they  supposed,  as  perfect  a  poli 
tical  instrument,  fitting  to  the  temper  of  the  times  then  existing ;  as 
wisdom  and  virtue  could  dictate.  And  one  great  and  judicious  part 
of  its  perfection  consisted,  in  its  being  liable  to  alterations  and 
amendments,  as  circumstances  and  policy  might  demand ;  vhich  al 
terations  could  only  be  made  by  a  concurrence  of  a  majority  of  the 
states.  Nearly  thirty  years  have  elapsed  since  the  federal  com 
pact  was  made: — the  constitution,  perfect  as  it  aright  then  seem  to 
those  who  organized  it,  was  not  even  considered  by  them  to  be  of 
that  perfection  in  all  its  clauses,  as  would  suit  ail  times  and  all  events. 
It  was  left  open  for  experiment  and  circumstances  to  prove,  wherein 


its  excellencies  or  defects  consisted.  Considering  the  widely  extend 
ed  territory  over  which  it  was  to  operate,  it  could  not  be  supposed 
that  the  coup  d'ccil  of  human  sagacity  could  divine  the  events  of 
years,  the  changes  which  might  operate  on  culture,  and  commerce,  01 
the  various  improvements  and  increase  which  time  might  occasion 
in  a  new  and  thriving  empire.  The  addition  of  various  states,  also, 
which  now  include  a  large  portion  of  the  territory  of  the  nation,, 
could  not  have  engaged  the  attention  of  the  authors  of  our  present 
constitution;  being  ignorant,  at  that  time,  of  what  portion  of  soil  the 
additional  states  should  consist,  and  its  properties  and  productions. 
Who,  at  that  time,  would  have  contemplated  on  the  accession  of 
New  Orleans,  by  purchase,  and  the  free  navigation  of  that  won 
drous  river,  the  Mississippi;  (subjects  of  themselves,  of  magnitude 
sufficient  to  arrest  the  consideration  of  aa  empire,)  but  as  events 
which  would  require  the  revolution  of  at  least  a  century  to 
produce  ? 

The  regulations,  as  regards  exports,  have  been  long  considered  by 
many  general  politicians,  unbiassed  and  uninfluenced  by  party,  to 
be  a  defective  portion  of  this  national  instrument. 

Almost  every  nation  in  the  world,  (America  excepted,)  draws  v 
revenue,  greater  or  lesser,  from  all  such  articles  as  are  derived  from 
the  recult  of  the  earth,  or  are  the  natural  and  indigenous  produc 
tions  of  their  soil — and  those  who  have  a  circumscribed  and  limited 
territory,  au«J  a  superabundance  of  subjects,  wisely  and  politically 
give  a  bounty  on  certain  articles  of  manufacture;  in  order  to  induce 
industry  to  take  another  channel,  and  direct  it  from  the  tillage  oK 
the  earth  te  mechanism  and  the  arts.  The  policy  of  various  coun 
tries  directs  them,  to  apportion  this  duty  on  their  different  articles 
of  export,  in  those  proportions,  which,  while  it  enriches  the  revenue, 
would  not  act  as  a  prohibition,  or  admit  a  neighbouring  nation  to 
supply  the  article  at  a  lower  rate.  The  constitution  of  the  United 
States  allows  the  exportation  of  every  article  of  domestic  growth  or 
manufacture,  free  of  any  duty,  drawing  therefrom  no  revenue  for 
the  nation.  Doubtless  this  principle  had  motives  of  a  generous 
kind  for  its  origin;  and  those  motives,  it  will  naturally  be  supposed, 
were  no  other  than  to  create  a  stimulus  for  the  culture  of  the  soii? 
among  a  people,  who  had  an  immraense  tract  of  territory,  and  a 
small  population,  in  comparison,  scattered  over  it.  The  policy  i* . 


33 

obvious  between  cations,  where  in  the  one  case,  the  acres  are  tea 
times  more  numerous  than  tiie  iuhabitauts ;  and  in  the  other,  where 
the  inhabitants  are  leu  times  more  Lumerous  than  the  acres.  To 
aid  cultivation  by  the  strongest  inducements,  was  the  natural  policy 
of  the  United  States,  on  the  declaration  of  their  independence;  and 
to  do  this  with  effect,  it  appeared  both  reasonable  and  wise,  that 
the  fruits  of  the  earth  should  be  unshackled  arid  unrestrained. 
Thirty  revolving  years  have  shed  their  benignant  blessings  on  its 
children — thirty  summers  have  yielded  to  the  labours  of  the  hus 
bandman,  increasing  plenty ;  and  the  sons  of  those  who  cultivated  with 
care  and  economy,  their  ten  and  twenty  acres,  now  cultivate  in  ease 
and  affluence  their  hundreds.  Thousands  of  miles,  (not  acres,)  where 
the  hammer  was  never  heard  to  sound;  where  the  tread  of  civili 
zed  man  had  never,  thirty  years  ago,  been  known  to  explore,  are 
now  changed  from  sombious  and  majestic  forests,  to  populous  states, 
beautiful  towns  and  hamlets,  surrounded  by  verdant  fields  of  rich 
and  luxuriant  grain,  or  pasturage;  and  the  dark  swamps  and  mo 
rasses,  which  engendered  pestilence,  now  flourish  with  all  the  pride 
and  beauty  of  the  Indian  corn,  the  rice  plant,  the  cotton  shrub,  and 
the  sugar  cane.  Tens  upon  tens  of  thousands  (if  acres,  which  had 
never  felt  the  plow  or  harrow  wound  their  bosoms,  are  now  con 
verted  into  fields  of  gay  and  variegated  landscape ;  and  new  states, 
rich  in  every  article  of  necessity,  are  rising,  as  by  enchantment,  in 
the  hearts  of  regions,  which,  wrhen  the  constitution  .„  was  formed, 
were  only  trackless  wilds. 

Considering  these  important  changes,  as  the  probable  results  of 
that  free  and  liberal  policy  which  animated  our  forefathers ;  and 
which,  emanating  from  virtue,  unwarped  and  unbiassed  by  the  pre 
judiced,  and  selfish  dogmas  of  ancient  courts,  (in  which  patriotism  is 
defined,  to  enrich  the  pampered  few,  and  treason,  that  which  scatters 
even  crumbs  to  the  galled  and  suffering  multitude.)  Considering 
these  as  the  results  of  our  policy,  the  constitution  wisely  provided 
for  its  own  revision,  when  the  duties  of  the  nation  might  invite 
it.  That  hour,  from  various  causes,  seems  now  to  present  itself;  it 
calls  not,  however,  for  any  fundamental  alteration  in  the  fair  instru 
ment  of  our  national  greatness.  Its  principles  have  been  long  tested 
by  ourselves  and  the  world,  to  be  the  happiest  production  of  wis- 
and  virtue,  and  the  best  safeguard  to  the  righti  of  man.  Yet 

5 


34 

it  calls,  notwithstanding,  for  the  revision  of  certain  parts  of  it,  and 
that  particularly,  which  regards  the  exports  of  our  raw  materials,  or 
those  produced  from  the  recult  of  the  autumn.  The  hitherto  vise 
pr-licy  of  this  instrument  has  now  produced  all  the  desired  effect, 
buib  in  cultivation  and  emigration;  and  it  is  now  time  that  the  go 
vernment  shoM  derive  from  them,  an  ample  revenue;  and  that  this 
tax  sboul'i  be  raised,  not  from  the  consumer  at  home,  but  from  the 
consumer  abroad.  Wheat,  Indian  corn,  rice,  cotton,  hemp,  flax^eed, 
and  tobacco,  may  at  this  day  be  said  to  form  the  staple  and  pro 
minent  productions  of  the  soil  of  North  America,  as  also  the  most 
important  branch  of  her  exports;  each  of  those  articles  is  capable  of 
extracting  from  itself  a  revenue,  by  a  duty  laid  on  its  exportation; 
which,  although  in  the  first  instance,  paid  by  the  merchant  at  home, 
would  be  an  additional  value  on  the  article  abroad,  as  not  bring 
able  to  be  furnished  elsewhere  at  a  cheaper  rate,  the  consumer  must 
refund  it. 

The  policy  which  would  dictate  those  export  duties,  would  be 
wise  to  leave  them  always  open  for  the  consideration  of  congress, 
either  for  their  increase,  reduction,  or  abandonment,  as  times  and 
circumstances  might  vary.  The  remarks  in  my  second  chapter, 
in  which  I  look  to  the  future  agricultural  prosperity  of  Spanish 
America,  admonish  us,  that  the  PRESENT  is  THE  HOUR  at  which  we 
can  safely  raise  a  revenue ;  which,  at  a  period  not  very  far  distant, 
it  might  be  dangerous  to  attempt.  The  day  of  peace  also,  is  the  day 
fitted  for  the  experiment.  The  commerce  of  peace  is  merely  that 
of  au  exchange  of  articles  of  one  nation  with  the  other,  for  their  rela 
tive  wants— speculation  and  great  profits  are  asleep.  It,  therefore 
becomes  more  easy  to  ascertain  what  taxation  these  articles  will  ad 
mit,  without  being  introduced  into  foreign  markets  under  any  dis 
advantage  from  a  competition — the  world  at  large  being  now  fair 
competitors  with  us.  This  is  considering  that  Europe  will  yet  re 
pose.  To  estimate  the  amount  of  taxation  that  these  exports  would 
bear,  must  be  the  inquiry  of  a  board  instituted  for  the  purpose;  the 
demands  for,  and  the  consumption  of  the  article  must  be  duly  con 
sidered,  and  particular  attention  paid  that  the  taxation  should  be 
apportioned  to  each  article  according  to  its  estimation  and  standard 
abroad,  and  its  greater  or  lesser  cultivation;  so  that  it  would  not 
in  any  measure  militate  against  the  interest  of  any  iudiyidua 


35 

•pccies  of  useful  culture,  or  by  distressing  it,  reduce  the  spirit  of 
that  enterprise  which  it  might  engage. 

Without  entering  into  any  calculation  of  the  amount  of  exports, 
or  what  percentage  they  wouJd  bear,  I  shall  confine  myself  to  a  ge 
neral  assertion,  of  the  correctness  of  which,  arithmeticians  may  here 
after  determine — that  if  a  wholesome,  unoppressive,  and  propor 
tional  duty  was  levied  by  the  government,  ou  each  article  exported, 
th?t  iis  product  would  he  not  only  equal,  but  greater  than  all  ihe 
duties  receivrd  from  importation  in  a  time  of  peace;  and  that  this 
would  redder  uuiitcessary  many  of  the  taxes  imposed  to  defray  th« 
expenditures  of  ihe  war,  and  the  debts  of  the  nation,  will,  I  am  con 
vinced,  be  palpably  visible  to  tiie  nation  itself. 

The  policy  which  introduced  the  clause  in  our  constitution,  for 
bidding  duties  on  exports,  however  beneficial  in  its  intention,  or 
even  in  the  motives  upon  which  it  was  established,  has  been  tested 
by  time,  to  be  injurious  to  our  present  interests.  To  a  nation  which, 
like  the  Chinese,  would  make  its  fundamental  policy  consist  of  a 
to1  •!  interdiction  of  maritime  enterprise,  which  should  forbid  all 
exports  in  ships  of  its  own  ;  which  should  aim  to  avoid  intercourse 
wr.'i  other  countries;  and  resolutely  determine  against  all  inter- 
eli-tttge  of  political  or  national  relations  with  the  rest  of  the  world. 
To  such  a  nation,  (who,  like  China,  would  be  also  competent  to 
maintain  this  policy,)  the  principle  of  free  and  untaxed  export 
would  unquestionably  be  wise  and  necessary.  Yet  who  is  he  that  can 
assert  that  the  fabrics  of  China  are  not  taxed  before  they  are  per 
mitted  to  pass  the  barrier  walls  ?  or  even  should  this  oot  be  the 
case,  it  amounts  to  the  same  thing ;  the  artlzau  must  pay  so  much 
for  his  privilege  to  work,  and  the  government  draws  a  revenue 
from  the  industry  and  profits  of  her  subjects.  Little  is  known  of 
China,  but  \\  certainly  does  not  hold  out  alluring  principles  for  the 
imitation  of  these  states.  The  policy  of  her  non-intercourse  may, 
perhaps,  be  well  adapted  to  her  peculiar  civilization,  to  her  fear 
and  contempt  of  the  rest  of  the  world ;  but  it  has  no  traits  in  it 
which  suit  the  taste  and  enterprize  of  the  independent  citizen  of 
America. 

It  is  more  than  probable,  that  to  this  very  source  we  may  our 
selves  trace  this  principle  in  our  constitution.  From  the  beginning 
to  nearly  the  close  of  the  last  century,  the  Chinese  nation  was  seen 


36 

with  the  same  sensibility  with  which  we  view  the  brilliant  tinr«  of  a 
picture  reflected  by  the  camera  obscura ;  or  that  sensation  of  deliglu 
with  which  youth  witness  from  the  pit  or  boxa*  of  a  theatre,  the  illu 
sions  of  a  pageant  or  a  drama;  the  Chinese  nation  was  but  little 
known,  and  it  was  judged  only  by  the  beauties  of  its  exterior  dra 
pery,  the  tinsel  which  decorated  its  productions,  and  the  character 
of  novelty  which  the  dissimilarity  of  its  productions  ,and  manners 
presented,  compared  with  every  other  nation  on  the  globe.  The 
la*;!  century  was  an  age  of  curiosity  and  philanthropy  ;  every  means 
by  vuiich  human  happiness  could  be  promoted  was  sought  with  en- 
th»Ksiacm;it  was  a  virtuous  zeal,  which  can  never  be  too  much  che 
rished  nor  admired,  and  even  its  errors  are  entitled  to  some  respect. 
Among  those  errors  was  the  admiration  of  this  antisocial  policy  of 
the  Chinese,  who  have  become,  probably  better  known,  and  less  en 
titled  to  admiration  or  imitation.  We  know  now  that  their 
internal  condition  is  the  most  inveterate  of  all  tyrannies  and  slave 
ries  ;  and  that  the  barbarity  of  its  internal  government  is  better 
adapted  to  excite  the  execration  than  the  respect  of  mankind.  It 
wag  the  fashion,  however,  in  the  last  century,  to  admire  the  Chinese. 
Of  all  the  writers  of  that  age.  none  condemned,  and  many  held  forth 
the  Chinese  as  examples  of  admiration,  for  wisdom  and  perfection 
in  their  policy.  Mankind  are  never  so  ready  to  bestow  their  ad 
miration  as  on  objects  above  their  comprehension  ;  and  objects  of 
this  kind,  insusceptible  of  immediate  examination,  are  readily  takcu 
upon  authority.  The  Chinese  existed  as  a  nation  without  export 
ing  her  own  products,  or  importing  those  of  others.  It  was  in  the 
last  age  an  opinion  among  the  most  influential  body  of  men,  which 
has  ever  existed  at  one  period  in  the  world,  that  such  a  policy 
would  be  wise  in  every  nation;  and  the  founders  of  our  constitu 
tion  adopted  the  opinion,  at  least  so  far  as  this  principle  goes.  But 
we  might,  with  as  much  reason,  adopt  the  principles  of  Voltaire's 
sincere  Huron,  as  a  rule  of  civil  government,  as  the  notions  of  Chi 
nese  policy  which  then  prevailed. 

To  investigate  this  principle  of  our  constitution,  which  forbids 
a  tax  upon  exports,  we  might  consult  facts  better  known  and 
easily  accessible.  Overcoming  that  proverbial  fondness  which 
mankind  unhappily  displays  for  being  cheated,  we  m,ust  ex- 
amiae  the  simple  truths  which  experience  ought  to  have  brought 


37 

under  our  eyes  long  ago.  We  should  consider  that  society,  no 
more  than  a  family,  can  exist  without  resources  to  defray  expen 
diture;  that  even,  if  as  a  nation  we  stood  single  in  the  world  ;  or  se 
parated,  like  the  Chinese,  from  the  common  intercourse  of  nations, 
that  there  must  be  a  portion  of  the  property  of  every  individual, 
in  some  shape,  surrendered  as  a  contribution  to  the  general  support 
of  the  national  family — to  its  protection — to  its  prosperity — in  a 
word,  to  the  use  of  its  government.  The  government  must  have 
household  furniture,  and  subsistence,  and  allowance  for  wear  and 
tear.  When  we  have  determined  this  principle  in  our  own  minds, 
we  have  only  to  inquire  by  w  hat  means  this  contribution  to  the  ge 
neral  stock,  from  the  stock  of  individuals,  can  be  made  with  the 
greatest,  ease  and  the  least  inconvenience.  This  inquiry  will  lead 
us  to  examine  the  nature  of  the  impost,  or  the  tax  upon  goods  im 
ported  fi«m  abroad;  we  take  a  piece  of  broad  cloth,  and  we  find 
that  in  it?  prosress  to  and  from  the  foreign  loom,  it  has  to  pay — J. 
The  cost  of  purchase  of  the  sheep.  2.  Subsistence  of  the  shepherd. 
3.  The  wool  stapler.  4.  The  wool  factor.  5.  The  wool  comber. 
6.  The  spinner.  7.  The  weaver.  8.  The  dyer.  9.  The  fuller. 
10.  The  cloth  dresser.  11.  The  factor.  12.  The  expenses  of 
transport  and  package.  13.  The  export  duty.  14.  The  freight. 
15.  The  in-Miance.  16.  The  impost  duty.  17.  The  proiit  to  the 
importer.  18.  The  retail  or  wholesale  draper — besides  ten  or 
twelve  intermediate  descriptions  of  persons,  such  as  washers,  pick 
ers,  cloth-markers,  warehouse-men,  and  labourers,  porters,  pack 
ers,  &c.  &c. 

This  enumeration  of  persons  employed,  serves  to  show  the  varie 
ty  of  hands  which  must  be  paid  severally,  in  proportion  to  the 
established  value  of  their  time,  ingenuity,  labour,  and  the  capi 
tal  which  is  employed  in  the  manufacture  aud  the  trade ;  and  it 
leads  us  to  a  more  simple  view  of  the  question,  which  it  is  eeces- 
sary  to  ask,  in  order  that  we  may  discover  how  this  money  and  the 
services  are  paid  ;  or  from  what  source  it  is  derived,  or  who  pays 
these  various  descriptions  of  people,  employed  in  the  raising  of  the 
wool,  passing  it  to  the  loom,  aud  finishing  and  transporting  it  to 
the  foreign  market  ? 

The  question  is  already  asked  in  stating  it — who  pays  all  thete 
expenses  ? 


38 

To  perceive  the  operation  clearly,  and  answer  it  distinctly,  we 
must  state  a  preliminary  fact,  that  no  part  of  the  work  or  service 
performed  on  this  piece  of  broad  cloth,  is  performed  without  pay 
ment  for  the  service;  and  it  is  sufficient  I}7  comprehensible  to  the 
plainest  understanding,  that  as  the  making  of  clo'h  is  undertaken 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  subsistence,  or  augmenting  the  amount 
of  property,  in  those  who  engage  in  the  trade ;  that  each  of  those 
who  dispose  of  the  article,  in  whatever  shape;  whether  in  ihe  fleece 
or  in  the  yarn,  or  in  the  finished  cloth,  each  of  them  must  obtain 
something  more  than  the  original  and  accumulative  cost  if  the  ar 
ticle;  this  is  called  profit  which  always  signifies  something  more 
than  the  previous  cost.  We  must  therefore,  add  the  profits  of  each 
successive  dealer  to  the  prime  cost,  and  the  price  of  hbour. 

How  is  the  man,  who  last  sells  the  article,  paid  ?  Or,  in  other 
vords — when  this  piece  of  broad  cloth  arrive^  in  New- York,  or 
Philadelphia,  the  duties  are  all  paid,  and  the  cloih  on  the  .-helf  of 
the  trader  who  sells  it  for  use,  who  then  pays  for  it  ?  The  answer  is 
plain;  as  none  of  the  artisans  are  unpaid, — as  all  the  duties  on  the 
English  export  are  paid — as  the  import  duties  are  paid, — and  the  re 
tail  draper  buys  only  to  sell  at  a  profit ;  the  only  mode  by  which  it 
can  be  done,  is  by  accumulating  all  the  previous  expenses,  and  add 
ing  the  draper's  profit,  which  makes  the  selling  price  of  the  article ; 
so  that  we  here  see  that  the  man  who  wears  the  cloth,  is  he  who  ac 
tually  pays  all  the  labourers,  factors,  export  duties,  freight,  insur 
ance,  import  duties,  and  the  profit  of  the  several  factors  and  deal 
ers,  through  whose  hands  it  has  passed. 

To  possess  a  very  clear  perception  of  the  momentous  truths  which 
are  involved  in  this  consideration  of  the  progress  of  the  manufac 
ture  and  sale  of  a  piece  of  cloth,  we  have  only  to  ascertain  what  is 
the  relative  or  positive  value  of  the  wool,  and  what  the  relative  or 
positive  value  of  the  del h  when  sold.  In  England  we  shall  suppose 
the  average  price  of  wool  per  pound,  for  superfines,  may  be  taken 
at  two  shillings  and  six  pence,  or  equal  to  our  half  dollar  the  pound, 
and  estimating  a  loss  of  one  half  the  weight  in  the  manufacture, 
that  each  yard  weighs  one  pound;  and  that  the  broad  cloth  thus 
made  and  weighed,  sells,  or  has  sold,  in  our  market,  from  eight  to 
eighteen  dollars  the  yard.  While  we  perceive  with  astonishment  the 
augmentation  of  price  from  the  raw  wool  till  it  covers  the  back  of 


39 

him  who  pays  for  it ;  \»e  cannot  but  perceive  that  he  who  pays  for 
the  cloth  to  wear  it,  is  the  person  who  pays  all  those  tribes  of  work- 
meu — all  the  duties  of  export  and  import — all  the  freights,  and  all 
the  profits  of  the  toreign  factor  and  the  domestic  draper. 

But  we  must,  in  order  to  perceive  these  facts  in  the  manner  io 
which  they  apply  to  our  practice,  and  our  own  affairs,  reflect, 
that  the  same  principles  apply  to  every  article  imported  from 
abroad;  we  shall  then  be  able  to  perceive  how  our  policy  is 
calculated  to  benefit  other  nations  at  our  own  expense ;  while, 
by  refusing  to  ourselves  the  same  advantages  which  every  other 
nation  derives  from  the  exports  of  its  products,  we  confer  on 
them  an  advantage  for  which  they  do  not  give  us  any  equivalent, 
nor  even  thanks — arid  in  some  cases  derision  for  our  folly. 

We  perceive  that  so  far  as  we  purchase  the  productions  of  foreign 
nations,  we  pny  for  all  the  intermediate  social  labour,  briweeu  the 
fir?t  cost  of  the  raw  material  and  the  import  duty  ;  which  whole  va 
lue  is  in  fact  a  contribution  paid  by  us  to  the  nation  from  which  we 
pure  hase,  as  much  as  any  other  tax.  Let  us  offer  a  very  loose  es 
timate,  taki.ig  the  piece  of  broad  cloth  for  our  datum. 

An  end  of  broad  cloth  of  25  yards,  say  sells  for  15  dollars 

the  yard, product     g  375 

Deduct  25  per  cent,  profits  of  draper,  .        •  93 

Price  before  importation,         ......      282 

From  the  gross  price  before  importation,  deduct  the  price 
of  the  wool  at  half  a  dollar  a  pound,  and  allowing  50 
per  cent,  waste,  ......  50 


232 


Thus  it  appears,  that  for  the  product  of  50  pounds  of  wool,  ma- 
oufactured  in  foreign  countries,  and  for  the  support  of  foreign  arti 
sans,  factors,  export  duties,  and  freights,  we  pay  nearly  five  times 
the  original  cost  of  the  raw  article. 

Apply  the  principle  of  this  single  case  of  a  piece  of  broad  cloth, 
to  the  aggregate  of  our  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  it  will 
be  seen  that  w«  voluntarily  or  blindly  contribute  to  the  support  of 


AU 

foreign  industry,  and  foreign  government;  while  we  refuse  cur- 
selves  the  privilege  of  la}  ing  an  internal  duty  on  articles  of  our  o\ui 
production,  which  ate  equally  necessary  to  foreign  nations- 

It  requires  only  to  compaie  the  price  of  our  raw  cotton  with  the 
prices  of  the  same  article  produced  in  other  nations,  and  the  price 
of  the  manufactured  article  produced  from  our  staples,  to  show  that 
it  is  in  our  power  to  make  other  nations  contribute  to  our  industry 
and  revenue,  as  we  now  do  to  theirs,  Particular  attention  would  be 
required  in  the  classification  of  the  taxable  articles  of  export. 
During  the  disturbances  in  Europe,  from  tiie  year  1  795,  to  the  late 
conclusion  of  the  general  peace,  a  considerable  and  productive  re 
venue  might  have  been  raised  by  a  very  small  duty  on  flour  ex 
ported  to  Kurope,  South  America,  and  the  West  Indies;  a  duty  of 
even  twenty  cents  per  barrel  might,  for  a  great  part  of  this  time, 
have  been  obtained  without  producing  the  least  effect  on  the  trade, 
or  injury  to  the  merchant,  or  exporter.  The  tax  levied  by  the  go 
vernment  on  exportation,  when  there  is  not  a  competitor  to  under 
sell  in  the' market  abtoad,  is  always  paid  by  the  consumer;  as  has 
been  seen  in  the  case  of  a  piece  of  broadcloth.  Thus,  when  the  mu 
nicipal  regulations  of  Spain,  in  order  to  encourage  the  importation 
of  flour  into  her  colonies  from  her  possessions  in  South  America, 
laid  a  duty  in  the  islands  of  Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  &c.  of  eight  dollars 
per  barrel  ou  foreign  flour;  the  effect  was  to  raise  the  price  in 
those  islands  from  12  to  20  dollars,  because  they  weie  ignorant  of 
the  true  state  of  agriculture  in  their  continental  possessions,  and 
their  capacity  to  supply  the  wants  of  those  colonies.  A  competi 
tion  with  the  United  States,  under  these  circumstances,  was  futile, 
and  the  extra  price  of  eight  dollars  per  barrel,  while  these  regula 
tions  existed,  were  paid  not  b}  the  merchant  of  the  United  States, 
but  by  the  unlucky  Spaniard  who  eat  the  flour  in  the  colonies, 
wliose  legislators  were  ignorant  of  the  operation  of  trade,  and  of  the 
productions  of  their  own  country.  To  attempt,  however,  a  heavier 
tax  than  twenty  cents  on  the  barrel,  on  the  exportatiou  of  this  ar 
ticle,  might  be  dangerous,  and  perhaps  unnecessary ;  leaving  it 
for  the  experience  of  a  few  months  to  prove  whether  it  might,  with 
safety,  be  increased ;  or  whether  it  might  not  be  poiitU  to  abstain 
from  any  imposition  ou  this  article.  As  France.  Poland,  Sicily, 
Macedonia,  and  Odessa,  (in  the  Euxiue,)  and  many  ports  in  the 


41 

Mediterranean  and  islands  in  the  Atlantic  will  become,  on  the  con* 
tinuation  of  peace,  competitors  in  this  article.  How  soon  their  in 
dustry  will  be  directed  with  that  ardour  which  will  reward  it  by 
abundant  harvests,  is  yet  to  be  seen.  Whether  their  spirits  are  bro 
ken  and  destroyed  by  the  long  continuance  and  the  calamities  of 
war ;  or  whether  they  will  be  reanimated  by  the  return  of  peace^ 
will  be  perceived  in  the  policy  adopted  by  their  different  govern 
ments. 

One  measure  of  policy  might  enable  us,  however,  to  raise  an  im 
portant  revenue  from  this  article  without  fear  of  any  competition 
from  foreign  countries,  it  would  without  doubt,  in  the  first  instance, 
be  attended  with  expense,  but  would  at  the  same  time  be  adding 
to  the  wealth  of  the  nation  :  this  is,  the  cutting  of  canals  from 
one  navigable  water  to  another,  and  so  intersecting  the  country  that 
those  articles  which  are  now  loaded  with  a  heavy  land  carriage, 
should  find  an  easy  water  transportation,  unattended  with  one-fifth 
part  of  the  expense.  A  canal  cut  from  Pittsburg,  to  communicate 
with  the  Chesapeake  or  Susquehanna,  and  from  the  Susquehanua  to 
the  waters  of  the  Delaware,  and  from  those  of  the  Delaware  to  the 
Kariton,  would  open  an  inland  communication  from  Orleans  to 
Champlain,  and  our  most  northern  and  eastern  states,  by  water; 
thereby  affording  the  means  of  a  safe  and  economical  conveyance 
of  the  different  products  of  each  state  to  the  other,  and  enabling  us 
at  Philadelphia,  New-York,  or  New  London,  to  receive  the  flour  of 
the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania,  at  a  price  which  would  war- 
rani  the  enaction  of  an  important  export  duty,  the  revenue  of  which 
would  in  a  very  few  years,  on  this  very  article,  defray  all  the  ex 
pense  of  locks  and  canals,  which  this  highly  valuable  and  national 
improvement  would  require.  (See  William  J.  Duane  on  Roads, 
Canals,  &c.  And  Robert  Fulton,  in  the  Appendix.) 

There  are  various  other  articles,  the  abundant  production  of  these 
states,  in  which  the  same  caution  is  not  necessary,  being  not  the 
growth  of  other  countries,  or  cultivated  so  inconsiderably  as  not  to 
admit  of  a  competition ;  and  the  ports  of  all  Europe  being  throwo 
open,  causes  them  an  increased,  instead  of  a  diminishing  demand, 
Cotton  is  one  of  those  articles  on  which  an  export  duty  may  be  laid* 
without  the  fear  of  injuring  the  exporter,  or  cauiiug  to  tta 
vator  a  loss. 

6 


42 

During  the  wars  hi  Europe,  through  the  severe,  although  just 
policy  of  France,  England  was  almost  alone  the  consumer  of  this 
article  ;  her  jealousy  against  the  manufacturers  of  France  evinced 
itself  invarious  ways,  and  the  municipal  decrees  of  France  manifest 
ed  her  anxiety  to  encourage  and  support  her  establishments  in  this 
article,  by  the  most  rigid  exclusion,  and  severest  penalties. 

France,  as  well  as  many,  if  not  all  the  powers  of  Europe,  will, 
on  the  consolidation  of  a  peace,  direct  their  attention  to  the  esta 
blishment  and  improvement  of  their  cotton  manufactures — Switzer 
land,  and  Swabia,  Saxony,  and  the  countries  between  the  Rhine 
and  Elbe,  and  Holland,  particularly.  Thus,  instead  of  one  mar 
ket  for  this  article,  and  it  being  in  a  measure  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  England,  and  in  the  power  of  a  few  rich  capitalists,  to  raise  or 
depress  its  price,  and  to  establish  its  value  according  to  their  OWB 
interests,  we  shall  have  the  markets  of  the  European  world  open  to 
us  with  purchasers,  without  fear  of  competition,  strong  enough  to 
affect  any  municipal  duty  the  policy  of  our  government  may  consi 
der  wise  to  adopt  regarding  it.  Without  further  dilation  on  each 
article — the  general  mass  of  our  exports  being  taken  into  view,  it 
will  be  easy  to  distinguish  those  which  may  suffer  by  a  competition, 
from  others,  which,  having  a  continual  demand  from  foreign  coun 
tries,  may,  without  injury  to  the  cultivator  or  exporter,  be  made  a 
source  of  easy  and  productive  revenue  to  the  nation,  harmless  in 
its  operation  on  every  class  of  society.  In  this  number  are  tobac 
co,  flaxseed,  rice,  beef,  pork,  giuseeg,  quercitron,  wool,  and  many 
other  articles  which  will  themselves  manifest  their  importance  by 
the  foreign  demand. 

There  is  one  important  subject  which  calls  for  the  attention  of  gov 
ernment,  this  is  to  remedy  an  evil  which  the  generous  character  of  our 
government  has  led  us  to  adopt,  in  confering  too  readily  on  individu 
als,  corporations,  and  societeis,  certain  privileges  and  charters,  which 
in  many  instances,  have  been  abused,  and  which,  in  most  instances 
it  would  be  politic  for  the  government  to  reserve  for  itself.  Thus 
we  see  seminaries  and  churches  built  by  lottery,  which,  gloss  it  as 
we  may,  is  neither  more  nor  less,  than  gambling — and  thus  we  also 
see  turnpikes  made  the  property  of  individuals  and  corporations, 
which  often  times  are  conducted  lather  as  the  subject  of  private 
speculation  than  of  public  benefit;  and  instead  of  being,  as  intended, 


43 

ao  accommodation  and  comfort  to  the  traveller)  occasion  him  incoa 
veaieuce  and  expense. 

If  lotteries  are  considered,  in  some  measure,  harmless,  aod  are 
sanctioned  by  the  government  ;  they,  as  well  as  turnpike  roads  and 
canals,  might  be  made  very  important  objects  of  revenue ;  and  if 
seminaries  of  instruction  are  required  in  various  parts  of  our  exten 
sive  territory,  government  would  have  the  full  and  efficient  means 
in  their  hands  to  enable  it  both  to  establish  and  protect  them ;  and 
I  am  decidedly  of  opinion,  that  national  institutions  are  preferable 
in  many  points,  to  private  or  individual  schools;  and  that,  while 
they  offer  a  cheap  and  well  appointed  theatre  for  instruction,  they 
also  tend  to  excite  the  gratitude  of  the  student,  and  inspire  him 
with  those  sentiments  of  patriotism  and  reverence  for  his  country, 
which  stimulates  him  to  noble  ambition,  and  surrounds  her,  in  the 
day  of  danger,  with  a  bulwark  of  strength  in  the  virtue  of  her 
citizens. 

That  lotteries  should  be  applied  to  the  building  of  places  of  pub 
lic  and  divine  worship,  must  strike  the  mind  of  the  sensible  and  re 
ligious  man,  as  a  perversion  of  taste  and  sentiment,  and  an  incor 
rect  code  of  morality,  which  does  not  accord  with  our  professions, 
or  even  the  rest  of  our  actions.  There  are  few  nations,  I  believe, 
who  have  a  juster  sense  of  religion  than  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica  ;  and  no  people  whose  actions  correspond  more  with  their  pro 
fessions,  both  of  religion  and  morality — without  the  latter  the  first 
canaot  exist,  except  as  a  mantle  of  duplicity  :  it  behoves,  there 
fore,  government,  as  well  as  societies  themselves,  to  expel  from  their 
ethics,  a  system  which  although  it  may  not  absolutely  vitiate,  is  in 
opposition  to  those  doctrines  which  are  inculcated  from  the  pulpit. 
A  well  appointed  government,  where  individuals  are  not  themselves 
competent  to  erect  a  place  of  worship,  should  always  have  both 
the  will  and  the  deans  to  aid  and  encourage  an  undertaking  which 
has  religion  for  its  basis. 

Turnpikes  and  canals  should  exclusively  belong  to  government, 
and  I  am  of  opinion,  rather  to  the  general  government  than  to  the 
individual  states.  One  system  of  turnpiking  and  locking,  and  that 
the  most  approved,  would  thus  be  adopted,  and  no  adverse  princi 
ples  of  economy  in  one  state,  and  profusion  in  another,  cause  an 
undue  bearing  on  society,  or  mar  a  work  intended  for  a  general  be- 


44 


aefit ;  ind  the  fee  simple  of  these  grand  improrements  being  t 
in  the  nation,  would  form  an  eternal  aud  increasing  animal  revenue, 
and  would  accommodate  the  trader  or  traveller  from  Georgia  to 
Maine. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Commercial  Inquiries  continued — Tax  on  Foreign  Tonnage  and 
Countervailing  Duties  recommended — Further  reflections  on  Ma 
nufactures — Merino  Sheep,  ind  the  Spanish  breed  of  South  Ame 
rica — The  policy  of  continuing  the  Double  Duties — Articles 
which  would  yield  a  safe  revenue  by  Duties  on  Export — Impost 
Taxation — The  hitherto  just  administration  of  our  Revenue 
Laws,  and  cheerful  submission  of  our  citizens — Tax  on  News 
papers,  &c. 

* 

In  order  to  foster  the  shipping  interest  of  these  states,  foreign 
bottoms,  both  on  exports  and  imports,  should  pay  a  considerable 
additional  duty,  as  also  a  tax  on  tonnage,  and  a  higher  rate  of  pi 
lotage.  These  countervailing  impositions  will  be  found  not  only 
politic,  but  imperious  in  the  government  to  adopt ;  as  otherwise  we 
shall  discover  too  soon  the  annual  decrease  of  our  tonnage,  and 
foreign  bottoms,  the  carriers  of  our  own  products.  Metamorphosing 
too  rapidly  iuto  the  Chinesian  system,  we  should,  with  regret, 
perceive  from  the  natural  course  of  interest,  each  nation  trading 
with  us,  carry  away  under  their  own  flag,  the  articles  they  desired ; 
and  the  proud  stars  and  stripes  of  our  nations,  which  have  hitherto 
waved  prosperously  and  triumphantly  in  all  regions,  doomed  to  suf 
fer,  alas!  the  saddest  reverse  of  fortune  eclipsed  and  neglected  in 
their  own.* 

*  The  important  article  of  cotton  pay?,  at  this  day  in  England,  a  doty  of  50  per 
rent,  more  in  American  bottoms  than  English;  the  duties  we  can  lay  on  goods 
imported  in  British  ships,  although  nominally  countervailing,  it  is  to  be  hoped  for 
the  prosperity  of  our  flag  on  the  ocean,  are  by  no  means  an  equivalent  for  this 
extravagant  taxation,  (so  few  being  the  carriers  of  our  importations.)  Doea  it  not 
prove  the  necessity  of  taxing  the  exportation  of  the  article  at  a  high  rate,  say 
three  cents  per  pound,  at  home,  so  as  to  draw  a  revenue  from  the  consumer  abroad, 
and  which,  according  to  the  Ugem  talitnis,  would,  however  hard  it  might  bear,  be 
bnt  justice  as  regards  Great  Britain. 

A  circular  letter  from  Liverpool,  of  the  date  of  the  30th  March,  states — "  It  seem? 
to  be  in  contemplation  by  the  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  to  take  off  the  war  duty 
sn  British  ships,  and  leaving  it  te  »peratc  OB  those  of  other  nations,  making  a  diL 


46 

Every  nation  possesses  the  right  of  directing,  according  to  iU 
wisdom,  its  municipal  concerns,  encouraging  its  exports  or  imports,, 
raising  from  either  a  revenue,  or  prohibiting  one  or  both,  as  its  in 
terests  may  dictate,  or  the  policy  of  their  states  may  render  neces 
sary.  Thus  Spain,  and  France,  and  England,  &c.  have  interdict 
ed  the  entry  of  manufactured  tobacco,  and  various  other  articles. 
Thus  Spain  forbids  the  exportation  of  it  and  various  articles  from 
her  colonies,  unless  to  the  Peninsula  with  license.  Thus  England 
establishes  similar  practices  and  restraints  on  their  commerce  with 
foreign  nations  in  her  colonies,  and  at  home,  interdicting  the  en 
trance  of  certain  articles  which  might  militate  against  her  interest, 
by  the  penalty  of  burning;  prohibiting  the  exportation  of  others, 
and  giving  bounties  for  either  entry  or  export,  as  she  deems  politic. 

ISfot  wishing  to  see  the  agricultural  interests  of  America  either 
abandoned,  or  in  any  manner  diminished,  by  the  introduction  or 
premature  establishment  of  manufactures,  we,  nevertheless,  should 
feel  a  sentiment  of  deep  regret,  if  those  enterprising  men  who  have 
nationally  introduced  various  articles  of  the  first  necessity  generally 
imported,  should  be  abandoned  in  their  pursuits,  at  a  moment  they 
had  reached  nearest  to  perfection. 

It  behoves  us  to  remember  that  the  day  of  peace  may  again  be 
soon  disturbed,  and  that  those  articles  which  were  found  of  the  first 
necessity  in  a  day  of  war,  may  again  be  wanted — and  wanted  in 
vain.  Should  the  history  of  the  times  declare,  that  those  men  who 
in  our  late  exigencies,  risked  their  capital  and  employed  their  time 

frrence  of  two  pence  sterling  per  pound  on  cotton,  which  will  amount  to  prohibi 
tion  by  American." 

Quoting  the  duties  on  entry,  it  states — cotton  wool  in  British  ships,  sixteen  shil 
lings  and  eleven  pence  per  100  pounds— in  foreign  ships  twenty-five  shillings  and 
six  pence — upwards  of  50  per  cent. 

Rice,  in  any  bottom  not  from  British  plantations,  twenty  shillings  and  one  far 
thing  per  hundred.  From  British  plantations,  or  the  East  Indies,  seven  shillings 
'Mght  pence  and  one-third. 

Isthis  not  sufficient  motive  for  the  United  States  to  lay  such  countervailing  duties, 
particularly  on  the  exportation  of  cotton,  as  to  prevent  the  loss  suffered  by  Ameri 
can  vessels!'  and  should  we  not,  in  our  ships,  lay  such  a  duty  as  would  frustrate 
intentions  so  decidedly  hostile  to  our  tonnage,  and  so  favourable  to  their  own  P 
With  respect  to  rice,  each  nation  naturally  fosters  their  own  products,  or  those  of 
their  colonies— they  h*ve  a  right  so  to  do — but  the  supply  of  rice  from  British 
plantations  and  the  Ea<  Indies  is  not  so  abundant  as  to  create  a  competition, 
should  we  lay  a  considerable  duty  on  the  exportation  of  that  article. 


47 

in  pursuits  so  patriotic  and  beneficial,  were  all  deserted  by  (lie  go 
vernment,  and  consequently  ruined  by  the  return  of  peace,  by  this 
tacit  and  tame  indulgence,  or  preference  to  competitors  from  abroad : 
in  such  an  event,  is  it  probable  there  ever  would  be  again  adven 
turers  brave  enough  to  saddle  themselves  and  families  with  penury, 
should  a  future  day  demand  the  same  efforts  ?  Besides,  it  should 
r>e  considered  that  the  encouragement  of  every  article  manufactur 
ed  by  ourselves  is  an  accumulation  of  national  wealth;  and  each  ar 
ticle  we  no  longer  import,  is  placing  so  far  the  balance  of  trade  i» 
our  favour  ;  that  every  dollar  expended  on  internal  industry,  is  like 
the  sustenance  of  life  to  the  human  body,  as  food  which  enters  into 
the  general  circulation,  and  is  an  addition  to  the  public  health  and 
strength. 

I  should  be  sorry,  at  this  early  period,  to  see  America  become 
the  complete  workshop  which  England  and  Holland  exhibit;  but 
at  the  same  time,  I  should  be  more  concerned  to  see  articles  of  the 
first  necessity,  which  it  behoves  every  nation  to  foster  and  encour 
age,  in  order  to  consolidate  her  independence,  abandoned  and  re 
jected  with  apathy  or  indifference,  and  suffered  to  perish,  because 
a  foreign  nation  might  be  able  to  supply  them  for  a  few  cents  less 
money  per  yard. 

All  the  cotton,  hempen,  and  woollen  goods  which  have  lately 
been  fabricated  withiu  these  states,  I  consider  among  this  class — 
all  the  productions  of  minerals  and  metals  are  of  the  same  charac 
ter;  and,  I  ara  decidedly  of  opinion,  that  great  care  should  be  la- 
ken  to  encourage  them,  by  laying  such  duties  as,  while  they  should 
not  interdict  the  importation  of  necessary  foreign  fabrics,  should 
give  a  decided  encouragement  to  the  American  manufacturer,  and 
enable  him  to  carry  on  his  business  in  such  a  manner  as,  although 
he  might  not  too  rapidly  amass  inordinate  wealth,  he  should  be  en 
abled  to  reap  equal  profits  with  the  manufacturer  abroad,  and  be 
able  to  support  his  establishment  and  his  family,  in  a  manner  suit 
able  to  the  happy  condition  of  our  country.  In  order  also  to  aid 
the  manufacturer  of  woollens  among  us,  considerable  attention  should 
be  paid  to  the  breeding  of  sheep,  particularly  those  of  the  finest 
wool,  and  those  of  the  Spanish  breed,  known  by  the  name  of  Me 
rinos.  Fairs  should  be  established  in  various  central  parts  of  each 
state,  and  bounties  of  considerable  value  should  be  allowed  by  go- 


48 

vernment  to  the  finest  wool  and  largest  fleece.     A  duty  on  expofta 
tion,  not  amounting  to  prohibition,  but  such  as  to  make  an  impres 
sion  on  the  foreign  purchaser,  should  also  be  laid,  which  duty  should 
be  assigned  as  a  fund  for  the  payment  of  the  premiums  to  ihe  care 
ful  and  fortunate  cultivator.     Regulations  similar   to  those  of  the 
Merino  Society  of  Philadelphia,  of  which  Mr.  James  Cakhrel),  of 
Haddonfield,  New- Jersey,  is  president,  should  be  pursued  by  go 
vernment,  but  on  a  larger  and  more  interesting  scale.     The  intro 
duction  of  this  valuable  breed  of  animals  among  us  has  been  one  of 
the  many  occurrences  arising  out  of  the  distracted  state  of  Europe, 
which  America  has  profited  by.     The  adventurous   and   patriotic 
farmer,  who  has  embarked  the  largest  part  of  his  property  in  this 
pursuit,  ought  lobe  under  the  immediate  care  and  protecting  hand 
of  his  government.     The  success  or  misfortune  of  the  individual, 
in  this  instance,  becomes  the  success  or  misfortune  of  the  nation  in 
general ;  and  there  is  no  country  into  which  this  valuable  and  pro 
ductive  race  of  animals  have  been  introduced,  but  they  have  at 
tracted  the  attention  and  care  of  its  rulers.    And  America  free,  and 
justly  appreciated  wise,   will  surely  not  bi3  the  only  nation  neglect 
ful  of  her  interests,  and  the  prosperity  of  her  industrious  citizens; 
particularly  when  it  has  been  proved,  that  this  gregarious  race  of 
animals  thrive  better  on  our  soil,  and  in  the  temperature  of  our  cli 
mate,  than  on  any  spot  in  Europe,  their  native  valleys  of  Spain  only 
cxcepted;  and  between  these  and  the  climate  and  pasturage  of  our 
own  country  there  appears   to  be  little  or  no  preference.     The< 
dampness  and  moisture  of  England,  and  the  northern  climates  of 
Ehrope,  is  particularly  injurious  to  these  animals;    cold   or  heat 
have  neither  of  them  half  the  prejudicial  effects  as  constant  rains  or 
damps,  the  latter  occasions  diseases  to  sheep,  and  deteriorates  the 
quality  of  the  wool.     During  the  war  the  stimulus  to  this  gregariaD 
industry  was  great,  and  the  increase  of  flocks  has  been  proportion- 
ably  considerable.     Among  the  various   persons,   holders  of  this 
breed  of  sheep,  we  cannot  avoid  noticing  the  names  of  a  few  who, 
by  their  spirited  attention  and  perseverance,  have  acted  as  exam 
ples  to  others,  and  made  known  the  value  of  the  breed,  in  opposi 
tion  to  envy  and  prejudice. 

The  names  of  chancellor  Livingston,  of  New- York,    colonel 
Humphreys,  of  Connecticut,  James  CaldweJI,  ef  Haddoofield,  New- 


49 

Jersey,  Dupont  and  Boudoin,  of  Wilmington,  Delaware,  and  Ben/- 
jamin  B.  Howell,  of  Philadelphia,  will  long  >*-  remembered  as  'he 
patrons  of  this  patriotic  aud  national  pasturage.  Like  to  th»-  \  a- 
triarchs  of  old,  their  flocks  have  flourished  and  increased;  and  by 
the  munificent  hand  of  a  fostering  government,  they  shall  spread  and 
distend  in  the  possessions  of  their  descendants,  and  their  rich  fiYeces 
shall  speckle  with  white  the  green  plains,  <he  valleys,  aud  the 
mountain's  side,  of  that  vast  continent  with  which  the  bounteous 
hand  of  Heaven  has  gifted  us.  and  enjoins  us  to  embellish  with  indus 
try  and  art,  so  that  it  may  yield  us  an  abundant  supply  lor  all  our 
wants  and  enjoyments. 

What  is  to  prevent  us  from  introducing  into  our  country  the  Va 
cuna  sheep,  from  the  mountains  of  Peru  and  Quito  ?  The  wool  of 
this  animal  is  as  far  superior  to  the  Merino,  as  the  latter  is  to  the 
common  sheep  ;  aud  the  elevated  regions  of  Louisiana,  as  well  as 
several  other  pans  of  our  country,  are  congenial  for  ihe  ^roerration 
of  f.his  interesting  animal.  The  writer  has  conversed  with  iluse  do 
have  examined,  with  astonishment  and  delight,  the  crude  produc 
tions  of  industry  made  out  of  this  wool ;  who  have  seen  a  shawl  and 
bed  covering  of  such  exquisite  texture  and  beauty  made  by  those 
people  out  of  it,  as  to  rival  in  elegance  some  of  the  best  perform 
ances  of  the  European  world,  and  to  give  him  an  idea  of  the 
future  importance  of  introducing  the  Vacuna  breed  of  sheep  into 
the  United  States.  In  place  of  this  beautiful  and  valuable  animal 
roving  in  a  neglected  state  among  the  mountains  of  South  Ame 
rica,  it  may  be  made  the  source  of  indefinite  future  wealth  to  the 
agriculturist  and  manufacturer  of  our  country,  adding  thereby  a  new 
mine  of  riches  to  the  nation. 

Hitherto  an  idea  has  been  generally  disseminated,  that  the  Va 
cuna  sheep  cannot  be  domesticated,  and  Spanish  writers,  as  well  aa 
the  government,  were  interested  in  giving  currency  to  this  belief. 
Independent  of  the  fact,  that  there  is  scarcely  any  animal  in  crea 
tion,  that  is  not  carnivorus,  but  what  is  susceptible  of  domestica 
tion,  the  writer  has  the  highest  authority  of  a  resident  iu  that  coun 
try,  who  had  ocular  proof  of  several  Vacuna  rams  and  ewes  being 
Bade  perfectly  tame,  although  they  had  been  caught  after  they  were 
full  grown ;  but  he  (eels  convinced,  that  if  taken  in  a  state  of  in* 
fancy,  and  bred  up  with  the  common  sheep,  they  would  speedily  be 

7 


divested  of  their  native  wildness,  and  become  the  most  useful  race 
of  animals  that  a  beneficent  deity  lias  given  to  civilized  ntaukind. 

Leaving  this  subject  opeu  for  dilation  to  the  pen  of  those  better 
acquainted  with  it  than  myself,  and  who  can  better  delineate  the  va 
rious  advantages  which  will  be  derived  from  measures  calculated  to 
produce  the  increase  of  valuable  sheep,  as  also  the  cultivation  of  pas 
turage  in  general,  I  proceed  to  inquire,  whether  prohibitory  duties 
on  either  import  or  export  are,  or  are  not,  adviseable;  and  also, 
into  the  policy  of  the  continuance  of  double  duties  for  a  certain 
time. 

There  are  certain  articles,  the  inherent  properties  of  nations, 
which  may  be  particularly  adapted  either  for  the  cultivation  of  the 
earth,  for  the  preservation  and  nourishment  of  particular  plants,  or 
for  the  encouragement  and  prosperity  of  certain  manufactures  pe 
culiar  to  the  habits  and  industry  of  the  people.  Thus  England  for 
bids  the  exportation  of  copper  in  certain  compositions,  without  par 
ticular  permission,  and  under  certain  restrictions.  Thus  would  she 
confiscate  vessel  and  cargo  that  should  carry  from  her  shores  a 
pound  of  fullers'  earth.*  Thus  have  certain  of  the  Italian  states 
forbid  the  exportation  of  the  nvcula  of  the  silk  worm  ;  the  empe 
ror  of  India,  under  penalty  of  death,  the  exportation  of  certain 
dyes,  or  the  discovery  of  their  secret  combinations.  I  am  not 
aware  of  any  article  yet  discovered,  inherent  to  the  soil  of  America, 
that  should  demand  a  total  prohibition  ;  but  should  such  discovery 
at  a  future  day  occur,  that  by  preserving  the  integral  possession  of 
either  a  mineral  or  a  plant,  these  states  could  maintain,  without 
competition,  any  species  of  agriculture  or  fabric ;  it  would  become 
politic  to  adopt  measures  calculated  to  secure  this  object,  which  has 
ever  been  considered  by  nations  as  just ;  and  preserving  to  their 
citizens  and  subjects  a  natural  vein  of  wealth — and  for  this  the 
constitution  should  povide. 

There  are  various  articles,  however,  which  are  exported  from 
America,  on  which  a  considerable  revenue  might  be  raised,  and 
which  would  also  have  the  effect  to  encourage  our  manufactures  at 
home,  and  excite  an  emulation  in  industry  and  art. 

*  This  article  ii  tho  product  of  «ur  soil,  large  quantities,  and  of  a  superior  qua 
lity,  being  found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Wilmington.  Delaware. 


Thus  flaxseed,  which  is  exported  in  large  quantities  to  Great 
Britain,  ami  particularly  to  Trelaud,  might  well  bear  a  considerable 
tax  OD  exportation,  and  which  the  manufacturer  in  that  country. 
and  ultimately  the  consumer  of  linen  goods,  would  have  to  pay. 
As  we  have,  heretofore,  imported  large  quantities  of  linen  fabrics,  it 
might  be  argued  that  we  ultimately  would  be  the  payers  of  this  tax; 
but  it  must  be  observed  that  there  are  many  other  nations  besides 
ourselves,  who  are  the  consumers  of  linen  goods.  The  colonies  of 
Great  Britain,  in  particular,  open  considerable  markets  for  consump 
tion,  and  the  kingdom  of  Great  Britain  itself,  requires  a  vast  supply. 
Besides,  this  export  tax  would  enable  the  American  manufacturer 
in  flax,  to  vie  with  the  fabrication  in  Europe,  both  in  texture  and 
colour ;  and  the  homespun  linen  doth  of  America,  which  for  dura 
bility  has  even  now  a  preference,  would,  in  the  course  of  a  very 
lilt  It  time,  assume  a  character  in  the  eyes  of  ourselves  and  other 
countries,  if  not  more  prized,  at  least  not  interior  to  that  of  Europe. 
What  nation  on  the  earth  can  excell  America  in  advantages  for 
bleaching  grounds :  and  have  we  not  the  additional  advantage  of 
possessing  within  ourselves  the  ashes  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  pro 
cess  of  whitening  ? 

As  the  cultivators  of  flax  have  already  experienced,  that  owing  to 
the  high  price  of  land  in  Great  Britain  and  the  scarcity  ot  it,  that  it 
is  cheaper  for  them  to  import  the  seed  from  America,  and  to  cut  ihe 
flax  in  its  most  valuable  state  proper  for  manufacture,  than  to  per 
mit  it  to  ripen  and  seminate,  (when  it  is  only  fit  to  be  used  for  the 
coarser  qualities  of  linen,)  paying  even  a  freight  for  it  across  the  At 
lantic  ;  and  as  there  is  no  European  power  that  can  furnish  it  to 
them  at  a  lower  rate,  vast  quantities  being  annually  consumed  in 
the  oil  it  produces;  so  would  they  find,  that  with  a  duty  exacted 
from  it  by  the  American  government,  that  it  still  would  be  politic 
in  them  to  continue  the  importation  of  seed  in  preference  to  raising 
it  at  home.  The  article  of  potash  also,  ought  to  produce  a  govern 
mental  revenue  from  similar  arguments,  as  the  northern  nations  of 
Europe  only  can  furnish  this  article,  and  that  never  under  the  price 
that  the  American  ashes  can  be  afforded,  with  an  additional  charge 
of  duty.  England  and  France,  but  England  particularly,  is  de 
pendant  on  foreign  nations  for  this  auxiliary  and  very  valuable  ar 
ticle  10  various  employ  men ts. 


52 

The  policy  of  continuing;  thr  double  duties  on  most  articles  im 
ported  from  abroad,  will  strike  very  forcibly,  for  two  reasons,  on 
the  minds  of  our  reflecting  statesmen.  The  first,  and  a  very  im 
perious  one,  is  the  necessity  for  raising  sufficient  revenue  for  the 
yenr  1815,  to  liquidate  and  diminish  a  part  of  the  large  debt  the 
United  States  has  been  obliged  to  contract  during  the  late  war,  and 
to  defray  the  considerable  expanses  yet  arising  from  that  state,  on 
the  immediate  return  of  peace.  The  second  reason,  is  one  of  poli 
cy  and  humanity,  and  founded  on  justice.  Aware  that  there  are 
certain  establishments,  within  our  country,  which  had  their  rise 
from  the  state  of  war,  and  which  may  be  found,  bo«h  impolitic  and 
unprofitable  to  continue  in  a  state  of  peace  ;  it  behoves  the  govern 
ment  to  protect  capitalists  so  situated,  and  who  ma}  have  a  large 
Block  of  articles  on  band,  already  manufactured,  from  the  ruin  and 
desolation  which  must  attend  them,  if  forf  ign  articles  of  the  same 
kind  were  admitted  without  the  percentum  duty.  Many  of  those 
artisans  calculated,  and  very  naturally,  on  the  duration  of  hostili 
ties;  aud  if,  at  this  day,  an  influx  of  articles  of  a  similar  denomina 
tion  should  take  place  from  abroad,  and  be  allowed  to  undersell 
them,  the  value  of  their  property  would  be,  most  probably,  vitally 
iojured  and  destroyed.  It  is,  therefore,  incumbent  on  the  policy 
and  justice  of  our  national  legislators  to  allow  a  certain  necessary 
time  for  the  disposal  and  consumption  of  articles  of  this  nature.  Al 
though  many  ariicles  of  our  manufacture  will  naturally  thrive  and 
vie  with  those  from  abroad,  if  properly  encouraged  by  our  govern 
ment,  jet.  there  are  others  which  it  will  be  found  prudent  to  aban 
don  ;  aud  rather  continue  the  importation  than  to  hazard  the  en- 
terpnze  of  competition  at  so  early  a  day.  Many  articles  of  hard 
ware,  porcelain,  &c.  are  included  in  'his  survey  of  our  arts.  Fine 
instruments  of  iron  and  steel,  ping,  hattons,  &c.  and  all  articles  in 
•which  tin  is  a  staple  ingredient,  aud  also  those  in  which  the  clay 
of  foreign  countries  is  superior  to  our  own,  ought  not  to  be  cultivat 
ed  by  us.  as  the  advantage  would  assuredly  be  against  our  compe 
tition  ;  they  possessing  local  and  natural  advantages,  which  we 
should  have  to  pay  a  considerable  premium  to  attain,  and  the 
American  artizan  would  sustain  loss  from  hi*  industry,  unless  ao 
absolute  prohibition  was  laid  on  th»ir  importation  from  abroad. 

Ginseng,  1  believe  to  be  »n  ••*•  ic     t.ecultar  :o  the  soil  of  Ameri 
ca  ami  out  small  quantities  are  raised  elsewhere  than  in  the  United 


53 

States  ;*  the  general  use  in  China  has  given  a  value  to  it  from  which 
advantages  are  to  be  derived,  and  some  revenue  to  the  govern 
ment  as  there  is  liule  fear  of  a  rival  in  the  trade  of  this  article  for 
some  time.  From  the  Spanish  possessions,  we  have  not,  as  yet, 
a  competition  to  look  to,  at  least,  not  until  the  liberly  of  this  na 
tion  has  been  for  some  years  established.  Much  larger  quantities 
of  this  article  might  be  raised  with  profit  to  the  agriculturist ;  and 
it  behovei  these  states  to  draw  a  revenue  from  its  exportation, 
while  the  day  exists  that  they  can  do  so  with  safety. 

From  this  subject,  I  am  led  to  inquire,  whether  the  present  in 
ternal  taxation  is  salutary ;  and  whether  it  would  not  be  prudent  and 
adviseable,  as  speedily  as  possible,  to  retrench  this  system  on  va 
rious  articles,  if  not  entirely  to  abandon  it.  A  taxation  on  labour 
and  industry,  on  professions  and  callings  in  life,  is,  in  my  opinion, 
inimical  to  those  principles  of  liberty  which  shoHld  be  cherished  in 
a  well  regulated  republic.  A  taxation  on  the  higher  luxuries  of 
life — on  charriots,  liveries,  race  horses,  and  such  establishments  as 
denote  superabundant  wealth,  may  be  wholesome  and  beneficial; 
as  the  pum  raised  from  them  could  never  be  severely  felt  by  their 
owners,  as  riches  alone  could  place  them  in  their  possession.  But 
a  taxation  on  the  sweat  of  the  brow,  arid  on  the  poor  artisan,  whose 
weaUh  consists  in  the  labour  of  his  hands,  is  an  expedient  which 
should  be  resorted  to  only  from  necessity. 

The  danger  and  exigencies  of  the  times, — a  national  calamity, 
or  threatened  invasion  by  a  powerful  foe  ;  may  render  this  species 
of  finance  incumbent,  to  be  resorted  to  as  an  auxiliary,  in  order  to 
strengthen  the  hands  of  government  and  afford  additional  security 
by  the  increase  of  the  national  resources.  But  when  the  storm 
which  ravaged  her  has  subsided  ;  whew  the  danger  which  menaced 
her  is  dissipated  in  the  calm  of  peace  ;  it  strikes  me  as  but  politic 
and  prudent,  to  abstain  from  every  imposition  which  tends  to 
shackle  industry,  or  discourage  the  labouring  artisan  in  that  pur 
suit  of  life,  into  which  fortune  or  inclination  may  have  thrown 
him.  Excise  laws  and  internal  imposts,  are  besides  universally 

*  It  is  raised  however,  in  Thibet,  Khoroeson,  and  Persia,  and  its  price  is  fluctua 
ting  ;  hut  it  is  no  where  found  in  such  abundance  as  in  the  United  States.  That  of 
Thibet  is  much  legq  esteemed.  1  do  not  class  this  as  an  article  calculated  to  pro 
duce  any  considerable  revenue  5  considering  its  demand  and  price  at  the  only  mar- 
ket  it  commands,  as  too  precarious.  This  article  is  indigenous  to  South,  as  well 
as  Nortk  America , 


54 

hateful  to  the  citizens  and  subjects  of  all  nations;  it  bears  with  it,  a 
species  of  slavish  submission,  and  places  power  and  consequence 
into  the  hands  of  a  numerous  body  of  petty  officers;  too  frequently 
inclined  to  exert  it  with  inflexible  rigidity,  and  to  deny  that  lenity 
and  compassion,  which  the  laws  of  nations  should  extend  to  the 
sufferings  of  their  subjects.  The  property  of  an  individual  may 
be  jeopardized,  and  even  his  future  success  in  life  be  obscured  by 
the  rapacity  and  unfeeling  heart  of  an  official  tax  gatherer. 

In  England,  where  (his  species  of  taxation  is  more  general  than  in 
any  other  part  of  Europe,  and  where  the  government  has  long  re- 
sorted  to  this  exaction  on  her  subjects  in  order  to  meet  its  wants  and 
supply  those  inordinate  expenses  which  her  civil  list,  her  sinecures 
and  all  the  abuses  of  her  complex  and  artificial  system  demand ; 
these  officers  are  beheld  with  the  greatest  abhorrence  and  consider 
ed  as  leeches  of  the  state,  who  suck  without  feeling  or  remorse,  the 
blood  of  the  poorest  plebeian,  even  more  voraciously  than  that  of  the 
titled  son  of  exhaustless  wealth.  The  most  crying  distresses  of  the 
people  of  England  are  raised  against  these  legalized  vultures  and 
the  most  alarming  indignation  has  been  caused  by  the  effects  of  this 
municipal  tyranny.  It  vexes  and  galls  the  indigent  aod  industrious 
trader,  whose  paltry  capital,  the  product  of  diurnal  labour  and  the 
most  pinching  economy,  is  more  narrowly  watched  than  the  ware 
houses  and  vaults  of  his  princely  and  powerful  neighbour,  who,  from 
the  possession  of  abundance  has  the  power  of  blinding  the  eyes  of 
these  harpyes  of  the  law,  and  giving  in  their  own  estimate,  as  their 
interest,  and  not  their  consciences,  may  dictate ;  a  natural  conse 
quence  of  this  method  of  taxation  is,  the  demoralizing  principles 
it  excites,  and  the  petty  arts  and  frauds  it  encourages,  to  elude  the 
vigilance  of  the  domestic  spy,  in  bosoms  which  otherwise  would 
not  harbour  a  guilty  or  disgraceful  sentiment. 

The  scanty  profits  of  the  industrious  million,  are  earned  with  so 
much  anxiety  and  toil,  that  they  find  thetn,  without  any  reduction, 
but  barely  sufficient  to  meet  those  wants?,  which  "  nature  is  heir  to  ;" 
and  this  state  of  poverty,  truly  depressing,  inclines  them  to  veil,  if 
possible,  their  traffic  and  concerns,  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  delude 
the  prying  ami  vigilant  eye  of  these  Janisaries  of  justice  ;  while 
the  opulent  vender,  whose  warehouses  and  vaults  are  groaning  with 
his  wealth,  is  prompted  by  motives  more  sinister  and  avaricious, 


55 

and  less  excusable — to  enter  the  same  lists  of  deception  ;  and'wlio 
possessing  with  ihe  will,  the  means  of  surer  »uccess,  playi  his  game 
with  less  danger  and  more  certain  profit. 

All  exactions  which  strike  the  subject  or  citizen,  as  tyrannical 
or  unjust,  inclines  him  to  discontent  and  violation  of  the  laws. 
When  taxation  is  light,  smuggling  is  never  resorted  to ;  and  on  the 
contrary,  when  it  is  grievous  and  imposing,  this  species  of  national 
fraud,  becomes  a  perfect  system,  and  is  pursued  as  a  livelihood 
without  remorse,  and  scarcely  a  consciousness  of  guilt. 

America  has  hitherto  demonstrated  to  ancieat  Europe  in  her  sys 
tem  of  government  the  predominance  of  virtue  over  vice — of  the 
dictates  of  conscience  over  that  of  interest.  A  smuggler  or  de- 
frauder  of  the  revenue  of  the  nation  has  been  considered  among  us 
almost  as  a  political  murderer,  and  his  punishment  by  society  on 
detection  was  even  greater  than  the  law  itself  inflicted  ;  so  few 
however,  have  been  the  instances  among  us  during  the  time  of  peace, 
and  while  commerce  was  maintained  with  every  nation  in  the  globe, 
that  it  would  be  difficult  to  cite  them.  Outlawry  and  disgrace  was 
however  their  portion,  from  the  universal  voice  of  their  fellow  citi 
zens. 

During  the  late  dispute  with  England,  and  the  interdiction  of 
either  imports  or  exports  with  that  nation  and  her  colonies ;  some 
few  venal  wretches  were  found,  even  ready  to  sacrifice  national  ho 
nour,  and  their  integrity  of  name  and  character,  at  the  altar  of  dis» 
honest  wealth  ;  prostituting  at  the  shrine  of  Plutus,  those  moral  ob 
ligations  which  had  hitherto  been  viewed  in  Europe,  as  the  brilliant 
ef  transatlantic  virtue.  The  officers  of  our  revenue,  as  scrupulous 
of  their  integrity  as  the  merchant,  from  the  director  of  the  customs 
to  the  tide  waiter,  had  never  sullied  their  palms  or  consciences  by  a 
bribe.  Is  there  that  immaculate  under  officer,  or  searcher,  in  En 
gland,  (I  might  in  generals,  say  Europe)  who  could,  being  an  officer 
a  twelvemonth,  assert  the  same  ? 

I  should  be  sorry  to  witness  the  introduction  of  a  species  of 
venality  and  corruption,  hitherto  held  in  detestation  in  the  moral 
code  of  our  nation,  from  the  pressure  of  any  municipal  regulations; 
which,  from  their  severity,  their  unequal  bearings,  or  any  other 
cause,  should  operate  upon  the  hitherto  unblemished  citizen,  to 
resort  to  deception,  or  by  an  artful  and  insidious  iuterpretatioa  of 


56 

the  letter,  elude  the  spirit  and  intention  of  the  law.  An  evil  or 
vice  ouce  introduced  into  society,  is  difficult  to  be  forgotten  or  ex 
pelled.  Virtue,  which  may  be  comprised  in  the  words,  integrity 
and  forbearance,  is  of  such  pure  water,  that  to  receive  a  stain,  is  to 
forever  sully  it.  Corrupt  ideas  once  introduced  into  the  pale  of  hi 
therto  inflexible  honesty,  is  apt  to  sap  and  destroy  even  the  noblest 
principles.  It  is,  therefore,  that  we  should  avoid  the  introduction, 
and  with  careful  precaution,  arrest  the  continuance  of  such  hard 
taxntion,  as  should  induce  the  dealer,  the  mechanic,  or  the  mer 
chant,  or  the  inferior  orders  of  society,  to  forfeit  their  integrity  io 
order  to  evade  the  evil  which  menaces  them  ;  or  from  more  corrupt 
motives,  enjoy  an  advantage  by  their  dexterity  and  art,  which  their 
honest  neighbour  or  competitor  in  business,  would  not  participate. 

Various  branches  of  industry,  by  the  late  acts  of  Congress,  lay 
ing  internal  duties,  are  burthened  by  taxation ;  some  of  them  are 
articles  of  the  first  necessity,  others  of  luxury.  The  cordwainer, 
the  hatter,  the  saddler,  (see  the  law)  the  tobacconist,  &c.  &c.  arc 
all  obliged  to  pay  certain  duties  on  articles  manufactured  by  them, 
above  a  certain  value,  while  other  trades  are  exempted.  Now  al- 
tho-igh  I  should  be  sorry  to  be  the  agent  to  introduce  a  system  of 
fraud  and  misconstruction  of  the  letter  of  this  law,  in  order  to 
evade  its  iuteotion,  yet  I  must  say,  that  the  virtue  of  even  tbis 
nation,  is  not  strong  enough  to  avoid  availing  itself  of  the  means  of 
fered  to  elude  a  tax  which  is  hateful,  (by  the  common  method  of 
11  whipping  the  devi)  round  the  stump.")  The  manufacturer  of 
each  of  those  articles,  instead  of  keeping  a  regular  account  of  sales, 
and  placing  his  items  in  his  book,  as  disposed  of;  will,  as  it  were, 
sink  the  manufacturer  in  his  own  person,  and  make  his  foreman  his 
representative.  The  hatter  therefore  who  is  to  pay  a  tax  on  all  hat* 
above  two  dollars  in  value,  will,  upon  the  manufacture  of  a  cer- 
taiu  number  of  hats  of  that  quality  which  are  usually  retailed  at 
five  or  six  dollars,  make  a  purchase  from  his  foreman  of  all  the 
stock  on  hand.  The  foreman,  by  a  calculation  of  what  the  article 
actually  costs,  will  discover  that  he  can  afford  to  sell  it  at  two  dol 
lars,  or  a  trifle  above  it  ;  the  20  per  cent,  will  therefore  be  paid  on 
this  sum,  if  paid  on  any  sum ;  (fos  hats  of  two  dollars'  value  are  not 
taxed;)  instead  of  its  being  paid  on  six  dollars,  the  price  which  the 
hat  will  cost  to  the  head  that  wears  it :  for  the  bat  manufacturer 


5? 

will  have  changed  his  profession,  to  the  wholesale  and  retail  dealt*; 
in  the  article.  The  shoemaker,  saddler,  tobacconist,  and  all  oihet 
branches  of  mechanics,  who  are  taxed,  will  follow  the  same  prin 
ciple  ;  if  one  does,  all  will  do  it.  It  will  be  considered  no  breach 
of  morality  ;  or  if  even  so  considered,  the  general  usage  will  be  a 
salvo  to  their  consciences;  for  the  man  too  scrupulously  honest  to 
stoop  to  this  chicanery,  must  abandon  his  business,  as  he  will  pay 
20  per  cent  more  than  his  neighbour  for  his  commodities,  which 
would  eventuate  in  ruin,  as  he  could  be  undersold  by  every  other 
man  in  the  market. 

In  this  manner  will  the  first  steps  at  defrauding  the  revenue  be  in 
troduced  in  a  nation  hitherto  rigidly  scrupulous,  in  their  exact 
compliance  with  the  laws  of  taxation :  and  this  national  demoral 
ization  is  to  be  feared,  from  the  effect  it  may  produce  hereafter, 
and  the  tendency  it  may  have  to  wean  the  affections  of  the  citizen 
from  bis  government,  and  from  those  moral  obligations  he  has  hi 
therto  considered  so  sacred. 

Taxation  on  spirituous  and  fermented  liquors  may  be  considered 
as  a  wholesome  regulation.  The  tax  on  whiskey,  although  it  falls 
on  the  consumer,  does  not  yet  fall  so  heavy  as  to  prohibit  his  drink 
ing  quite  as  much,  or  even  more  than  may  do  him  good.  A  tax 
however,  which  would  lay  a  mild  and  admonitory  restriction  on  the 
abuse  of  this  article,  cannot  reasonably  be  objected  to;  and  the 
inward  duties  on  foreign  spirits,  should  be  so  arranged  as  to  justify 
it.  All  high  priced  imported  liquors,  are  fair  subjects  for  taxation ; 
it  is  one  seldom  felt  by  those  who  pay  it,  and  from  which  want  and 
industrious  poverty  are  ever  exempts.  It  would  be  the  criterion  of 
wisMom  and  virtue  in  our  government,  so  to  organise  taxation,  that 
its  burthens  should  bear  the  lightest  on  that  class  of  society  who 
can  feel  them  most;  and  by  judicious  selections  of  articles  of  export 
and  import,  capable  of  producing  a  revenue  from  imposition  them, 
avert  from  the  poor,  a  yoke  which  would  be  unfelt  by  the  rich  ; 
and  by  reaping  a  benefit  from  the  consumer  abroad ;  remove  the 
necessity  of  imposing  or  continuing  taxations,  which  are  felt  solely 
by  our  own  citizens.  The  taxation  on  household  furniture  will,  in 
its  operations,  adduce  the  strongest  arguments  for  its  discontinu 
ance  :  as  although  a  small  and  precarious  sum  may  be  raised  from 

8 


58 

itj  it  will  not  be  sufficient  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  officers  era- 
ployed  in  assessing  a-nl  collecting  it. 

The  tax  upon  printers  of  newspapers  is  oppiesshe,  and  frills 
with  severe  effect  on  a  calling  and  class  of  the  community,  who 
are,  generally  speaking,  link  able  to  bear  a  deduction  from  their 
slender  incomes.  The  wisdom  and  virtue  of  our  government,  will  not 
sanction  &  law,  nhich  carries  undue  oppression  on  any  part  of  society 
and  particularly  ou  one  which  is  the  great  medium  of  disseminating 
information  and  useful  knowledge  to  the  most  remote  and  divi 
ded  districts  of  this  vast  continent  ;  and  which  has  tended  more 
than  any  other,  to  enlighten  the  general  mass  of  its  citizens,  and 
to  make  those  improvements  and  discoveries,  with  which  the  world 
has  been  enriched,  particularly  of  late  years,  a  general  property, 
which  diffused  its  benefits  in  a  distended  circle  ;  and  has  given 
each  individual  a  facility  of  acquiring  important  facts,  which  with 
out  them,  would  have  demanded  much  labour  to  have  attained,  and 
which  he  might  never  have  surmounted.  A  free  press  has  long 
been  considered  '*  TJie  Palladium  of  Civil  Liberty,"  and  no  nation 
ever  enjoyed  it  to  a  greater  extent  thaa  these  United  States. 

The  increased  taxation  on  goods,  sold  by  public  auction,  is  also  a 
subject  which  calls  for  consideration,  as  although  it  may  produce 
an  additional  revenue,  it  nevertheless,  has  an  undue  bearing.  lu 
every  other  instance  of  taxation  at  home,  it  is  the  consumer  that 
eventually  pays  the  tax,  for  if  a  double  duty  be  laid  on  sugar,  cof 
fee,  or  other  article,  the  iraporu-r  charges  it  to  the  grocer,  and  the 
grocer  to  the  person  who  buys  it  for  consumption.  But  in  this  in 
stance,  it  is  the  importer  or  seller  who  pays  the  tax,  and  not  the 
buy  er.  It  falls  very  heavy  also  on  those  who,  possessing  an  article, 
which,  from  various  causes  may  be  of  dull  sale,  and  who  pressed  for 
means,  are  obliged  to  dispose  of  it  at  auction,  as  they  not  only  suf 
fer  the  sacrifice  of  a  reduced  price,  but  have  that  price  still  more 
reduced  by  this  duty  to  government.  And  it  will  no!  be  denied, 
thitj  generally  speaking,  i-  is  such  persons  who  most  frequently  re-- 
sort  to  this  method  of  disposing  of  their  goods. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Reflections  on  the  return  of  Napoleon  to  the  throne  of  Franc*.— 
Considerations  an  regards  Hostilities  on  the  Continent. — The  ''n- 
tcrcsts  of  England  to  maintain  a  Continental  War. — Political 
considerations  oj  the  government  of  England,  her  system  of  Com- 
mercial  Monopoly,  &c. — Surmise  on  the  Result  of  Hostilities, 
should  they  take  place. — The  interest  of  America  to  remain  aloof 
from  the  contest,  &c.-~Conciusion. 

A  vast  field  for  inquiry  here  presents  itself;  one  which,  while  it 
arrests  the  attention  of  all  the  potentates  of  Europe  is  not  less  in- 
terf-sting  to  the  imagination  of  the  American  reader;  inasmuch  as 
it  may  materially  affect  the  future  pursuits  and  interests  of  this 
nation,  by  the  results  which  may  eventuate  from  it  on  the  con 
tinent  of  Europe;  I  mean  the  return  of  Napoleon  to  the  scepire  of 
France. 

Thb  extraordinary  event  produced  in  so  extraordinary  a  man 
ner,  and  as  far  as  we  are  yet  informed,  unattended  with  the  shed 
ding  of  a  single  drop  of  blood,  is  a  trait  in  the  annals  of  preseat 
history,  which  will  stagger  the  credibility  of  succeeding  generations  ; 
and  indeed  is  of  that  miraculous  character,  which  even  puzzles  the 
imagination  of  living  witnesses  of  the  fact,  to  arrange  under  the  de 
nomination  of  natural  events.  The  former  exploits  performed  by 
this  surprising  mortal,  who  for  twenty  years  seemed  to  have  chain* 
ed  victory  to  his  car,  and  to  conquer  and  overthrow  all  obstacles 
and  all  opponents  as  by  the  act  of  volition ;  although  they  partake  of 
that  degree  of  grandeur  which  throws  a  blaze  of  glory  on  the  his 
tory  which  traces  his  career,  are  yet  of  that  natural  character, 
which  although  nevrr  excelled,  present  to  the  imagination  events 
of  a  similar  stamp,  in  perusing  the  histories  of  other  nations,  and  in 
tracing  the  steps  of  a  Philip  and  «m  Alexander,  or  of  a  Caesar  and 
a  Hannibal :  but  there  is  no  parallel;  QO  analogous  event  in  history, 


60 

which  relates  that  a  soldier  of  fortune,  an  usurper  besides,  of  £• 
throne,  and  clothed  moreover  with  an  imperial  purple  of  his  owe 
frt.uion*  who  after  banishment  and  defeat,  should  ii;  ten  short 
months  returu  unopposed  to  his  capital  and  kingdom ;  invading  a 
vast  territory  with  a  few  hundred  followers,  marching  upwards  oi 
two  hundred  leagues  without  a  solitary  sword  to  oppose  his  pro 
gress,  and  banishing  in  turn  the  legitimate  sovereign  of  the  nation, 
whom  his  invading  conquerors  had  seated  on  the  throne  surrounded 
with  regal  spendour. 

There,  is  throughout  the  whole  of  this  transaction  so  much  of  the 
marvellous,  that  was  a  similar  story  wound  up  in  the  Arabian  Tales  01 
other  Eastern  Romance,  the  imagination  of  the  reader  might  be  plea 
sed  with  its  fanciful  arrangement,  and  perhaps  place  it  foremost  in 
the  rank  of  wonders,  talismans,  genii,  and  enchantments.  A  Coriola- 
nus  was  banished  from  Rome  for  his  unbending  and  haughty  temp 
er,  after  having  clothed  his  nation  with  glory,  by  his  too  severe 
and  UHgrateful  countrymen  :  iu  his  resentment  he  directed  his 
arms  and  vengeance  against  her,  and  employed  her  enemy  in  his 
cause.  But  he  entered  not  her  portals  in  triumph,  and  even  had  he 
sacked  her  capital  there  would  have  been  no  analogy  in  the  two 
events.  In  the  one  case  was  a  general  employing  a  powerful  army 
against  his  native,  although  ungrateful  country ;  in  the  other  a 
banished  emperor  returning  without  an  army  to  reclaim  his  throne ; 
and  whether  the  voice  of  the  military,  or  the  general  voice  of  the 
nation  recalled  him,  there  is,  notwithstanding,  that  mystery  and 
miracle,  in  every  feature  of  this  unique  performance,  which  calls 
forth  sentiments  of  the  profoundest  admiration,  and  even  claims  the 
astonishment,  if  not  the  applause  of  his  implacable  enemies. 

I  mean  not,  however,  to  be  his  panegyrist.  My  intentions  ki 
treating  on  this  subject,  are  directed  to  other  objects  ;  yet,  without 
offence  to  any  reader,  I  hope  I  may  be  allowed  the  priviledge  of 
expressing  my  admiration  of  the  talents  of  this  surprising  man.  As 
to  entering  the  lists,  to  extoll  him  as  a  virtuous  lawgiver ;  as  de 
voted  to  the  glory  and  happiness  of  France;  or  to  deprecate  him  for 
his  mad  ambition,  his  cruelty,  or  his  tyranies ;  I  have  no  desire  . 
and  I  consider  that  writer,  whatever  may  be  his  own  opinion  of 
him,  or  his  career,  who  would,  at  this  day,  force  that  opinion  upoc 


61 


the  world  against  its  consent,  as  being  the  only  creed  deserving  cre 
dit,  atrog.tti;]g  to  liimsr If  much  more  wisdom  and  importance  lhau 
lie  has  any  title  to.  It  is  posterity  alone  \vho  can  form  a  correct 
judgment  of  his  merits  or  demerits,  his  virtues  or  his  infamy,  his 
greatness  or  his  weakness;  by  the  touchstone  of  his  actions  will  he 
be  tried  by  the  future  historian,  and  mankind  will  judge  of  him 
not  as  he  appears  to  be,  but  as  he  really  has  been.  No  man's  his 
tory  is  known  until  after  death.  The  events  which  are  passing  be 
fore  our  eyes,  have  not  yet  been  completed.  Various  circumstances 
which  appear  as  realities,  are  but  shadows,  and  many  that  we  adopt 
as  truths,  are  but  semblances  or  falsehoods.  Many  are  the  men, 
who  while  living,  were  thought  to  be  pious;  who,  when  dead,  have 
been  discovered  hypocrites.  Many  also  who  have  excited  pity  and 
compassion  by  their  sufferings,  have  been  found  to  have  been  un 
worthy  of  it,  or  not  to  have  suffered  at  all ;  and  man)  others  who 
have  had  the  execration  of  their  cotemporaries,  have  been  disco 
vered  to  have  been  martyrs  by  posterity.  The  saint  has  proved  a 
sinner,  and  the  sinner  saint,  when  exhibited  before  the  unprejudiced 
ordeal  of  after  times.  How  many  tyrants,  surrounded  with  pomp 
and  splendor,  hare  received  the  sycophantic  adulation  of  their 
subjects  ?  How  many  good  kings,  from  the  intrigues  and  corrup 
tion  of  neighbouring  and  ambitious*  nations,  have  been  obliged  to 
lead  l^eir  subjects  to  the  slaughter,  deluge  the  laud  with  blood,  and 
drown  it  in  tears,  or  people  it  with  orphans  and  with  widows,  whose 
prayers  have  been  offered  up  to  heaven  against  them.  Viewing 
man  as  he  exists,  we  oftentimes  are  led  astray ;  how  much  more  s© 
then  are  we  liable,  when  that  man  is  a  mighty  monarch.  Without 
further  pursuing  thii  digression,  we  leave  Napoleon  and  his  tri 
umphs,  and  his  defeats,  his  virtues  or  his  vices,  to  that  historian  of 
posterity  who  with  facts  before  him — will  "  nothing  extenuate  or 
set  down  ought  iu  malice." 

The  return  of  this  extraordiuary  man  to  be  the  ruler  of  France, 
be  he  good  or  bad,  vinuously  or  viciously  inclined,  of  which  there 
are  various*  sentiments,  is  pregnant,  however,  with  momentous  events, 
and  exhibits,  at  the  same  time,  a  singularity  in  history  which  no 
anteror  time  has  furnished.  The  question,  whether  the  military 
of  France,  or  the  voice  of  the  French  nation,  which  may  be  uoder- 
itood  as  the  plurality  of  voices,  have  called  him  from  his  retreat. 


02 

is  not  necessary  to  discuss.  Speculation  alone  could  guide  us  in  a 
determination  ;  but  to  assert,  that  there  was  not  a  great  enthusiasm 
in  a  vast  portion  of  the  people  of  France,  for  his  return,  would  be 
an  absurdity ;  in  as  much  as  to  say,  that  the  whole  nation,  men, 
women,  and  children  were  paraiized,  or  under  the  influence  of  en- 
chantmeu*  for  twenty-two  days,  which  it  took  him  to  march  from 
Frejus  to  Paris,  and  enter  it  triumphantly. 

Tin-re  iris  been  an  idea  started,  which,  if  it  have  any  foundation 
whatever,  is  ilip  greatest  novelty  which  ever  occurred  in  the  history, 
of  any  time  past.  And  if  the  present  have  given  it  birth,  the  future, 
I  am  convinced,  will  record  it,  and  preserve  ii  as  a  curiosity  far  ex 
ceeding  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world  combined.  This  is  ut>iher 
more  or  less,  than  that  the  government  of  Great  Britain  has  been 
acc^sary  to  the  escape  of  Napoleon  from  Elba,  and  to  his  return 
to  the  throne  of  France.  I  must  say,  that  this  hypothesis  is  too  sin 
gular  a  one  for  any  argument  or  for  my  belief.  And  I  should  not 
have  ventured  even  to  have  mentioned  it  here,  but  for  the  manner 
thf  Times  Paper,  a  governmental  paper,  takes  to  exculpate  the 
ministry  of  England,  and  particularly  colonel  Campbell,  who  was 
placed  as  his  companion  at  Elba,  for  hib  escape,  and  this,  before  any 
accusation  had  been  made,  or  any  reflection  cast  upon  .hem  in  any 
public  print.  If  Great  Britain,  or  rather  the  present  dynasty  of 
that  nation,  discovered  they  could  not  exist  without  a  war:  and  that 
a  continental  war  would  even  be  less  expensive  and  less  injurious 
to  them,  than  a  continuance  of  hostilities  with  America,  thfcmay 
at  once  account  for  the  haity  conclusion  of  peace  with  these  states ; 
and  there  was  no  surer  way  offered  than  to  place  Napoleon  again 
•on  the  throne.  If  Great  Britain  could  have  played  so  adroitly  this 
game,  which  ought  to  have  some  name  more  emphatic  than  a 
ruse  de  guerre,  she  certainly  has  outwitted  the  allies,  and  even  her 
own  subjects  in  a  style  that  bears  no  competition,  and  which,  should 
it  so  prove,  will  deserve  a  niche  on  the  loftiest  pillar  of  political  ro 
mance. 

The  subject,  however,  of  most  importance  for  our  eonsideratioa 
and  that  of  the  world,  is  what  effect  is  likely  to  be  produced  by  the 
return  of  this  surprising  mortal  on  the  political  arena — whether  the 
mighty  armies,  which  ii  is  siaf M.  •••.!••  •  yying  themselvf*  agninst 
him,  will  come  in  collision  with  those  of  France,  aud  whether  the 


63 

Kiomeutary  repose  which  Europe  has  enjoyed,  is  like  to  that  calm 
which  oftentimes  is  the  foreboding  sympiom  of  dissolution;  -f»d  'hat 
this  ephemoral  peace  is  to  be  succeeded  by  those  appalling  convul 
sions  which  shall  again  shake  Europe  to  her  centre,  and  make  fu 
ture  historians  tremble  as  they  dictate  the  faithful  page  to  posteri 
ty  ;  or,  whether  at  that  awful  moment,  when  opposing  armies  are  iu 
the  mightiness  of  their  strength,  arraigned  front  to  front,  and  ready 
to  throw  that  thunderbolt  of  war,  which  ignorant  of  all  but  its  dire 
ful  commencement,  lenves  its  termination  to  accident  and  fate  : — 
Whether,  at  this  moment,  the  angel  of  mercy  bearing  the  olive 
branch  of  peace,  may  not  descend,  and  dictating  bounds  to  ambi 
tion,  and  justice  to  princes,  find  fitter  and  fairer  scabbards  for  the 
unsheathed  sword,  than  the  bosoms  of  mortality  ?  These  are  ques 
tions  indeed  of  interesting  import.  That  the  latter  may  be  the  re 
sult,  humanity  might  offer  up  her  prayers  with  devotion  and  re 
ceive  commendation  in  the  sight  of  Heaven,  but  whether  one  or 
other  of  these  events  will  happen,  is  at  this  moment  so  hid  in  obscu 
rity,  that  to  offer  even  a  surmise  on  the  subject,  is  bordering  OD 
presumption,  and  merits  an  apology. 

When  on  one  side,  I  view  Europe  and  the  decisions  of  the  con 
gress  of  Vienna,  as  far  as  they  have  been  made  known  to  us ; — when 
I  view  the  spirit  of  partition  in  the  bosom  of  princes  who  disclaim 
ed  it — and  the  principle  of  power,  establishing  RIGHT,  together 
•with  larger  armies  on  foot,  than  its  monarchs  ever  before  embattled  ; 
I  am  led  to  adopt  the  opinion  that  there  yet  remains  fuel  to  light 
up  wars,  whose  flames  an  half  a  century  might  not  quench.  On 
the  other  hand,  when  I  view  desolated  Europe,  sick  with  disaster, 
wasted  and  impoverished  by  the  continual  sacrifice  of  blood  and 
treasure  ; — her  fields,  which  iu  former  days,  were  luxuriantly  rich, 
with  all  the  bounties  of  a  beneficent  Deity,  abandoned  and  desert 
ed  :— the  mournful  peasant  bewailing,  in  his  old  age,  his  props,  his 
comforters  and  support ;  and  bis  grand  children  clinging  to  his 
knees,  unprotected  orphans — Gracious  Heaven  !  do  I  exclaim, — 
merciful  and  just  protector  of  this  sphere,  are  these  deeds  necessary  ? 
Are  they  permitted  and  sanctioned  by  thy  inscrutable  wisdom  ?  Is 
the  ambition,  the  animosity,  or  the  passions  of  kings  and  emperors, 
and  their  counsellors,  to  be  visited  upon  their  subjects,  by  these  ex- 
crutiatiug  and  exterminating  miseries  ?  Is  there  yet  no  end  ap- 


64 

preaching  to  these  scenes  of  slaughter  ? — or,  as  tiic  sultry  summer's 
day,  when  the  mighty  storm  approaches, — when  the  Heaven's  are 
overcast,  and  that  bolt,  which  rives  the  "  knotted  oak,"  is  launch 
ed  from  the  canopy  above,  anrl  the  winds  descend,  destroy  in  g  all 
that  feverish  vapour  which  nature  sickened  at ;  even  so  are  all  the 
impurities  of  vicious  courts  to  be  li lotted  out  but  by  the  extinction 
of  their  subjects?  Is  the  catalogue  of  their  crimes  so  black,  to  call 
down  such  vengeance  ?  Or  will  not  conscience,  thai  arbiter  in  the 
breasts  of  monarch?  as  of  men,  at  length  decide  the  dreadful  con 
flict  ;  and  upon  a  basis  of  moral  justice  and  mutual  right,  consoli 
date  the  world  in  peace  ? 

I  ask  pardon  of  my  reader  for  the  hyperbole  my  warmth  and 
feelings  have  excited.  I  should  have  calmly  viewed  this  subject 
in  a  political  manner,  and  I  find  myself  invoking  Heaven.  Such 
however  may  have  been  the  feelings  of  wiser  and  better  men,  and 
as  such  although  reprehensible  in  these  pages,  I  forbear  its  erasure. 

I  am  aware  that  there  are  many  who,  more  perhaps  from  want  of 
reflection  and  consideration,  than  from  any  other  cause,  will  place 
all  the  disaster  and  blood  which  may  flow,  at  the  door  of  him,  who 
England  has  termed  the  distroyer  of  the  human  race ; — I  mean  Na 
poleon;  that  his  return  and  the  events  which  may  grow  out  of  it, 
particularly  the  renewal  of  hostilities,  should  they  take  place,  will  all 
be  the  emanations  of  his  mad  ambition  ; — I  have  already  said  I  am 
not  here  as  the  panegyrist  of  this  man,  but  1  trust  I  may  declare 
my  sentiments  on  this  subject  without  offence. 

His  return  to  France,  will  be  admitted,  was  not  the  work  of  eu- 
chantment ;  he  must  have  had  a  large  portion  of  France  ID  his  favour, 
and  this  must  have  been  made  known  to  him; — whether  it  were  the 
military  or  the  majority  of  the  nation,  is  in  my  present  view  of  this 
question,  a  matter  of  little  importance.  The  force  that  abetted  him 
or  invited  his  entry  into  France  was  sufficient  to  protect  him,  and 
put  down  all  opposition,  and  to  seat  him  safely  on  his  throne  at 
Paris,  without  the  slaughter  of  a  single  soul ;  of  whatever  this  power 
consisted,  it  was  nevertheless  the  strongest  and  most  imposing  pow 
er  in  France;  and  that  it  was  inimical  to  the  reign  of  the  Bour 
bons  is  evident  from  its  acts.  HH  Napoleon  then  have  refused  to 
accede  to  its  wishes  in  recalling  him  to  his  imperial  pur?'l«.  «»uld 
have  annihilated  a  sentiment  so  imposing,  so  general,  so  exten- 


€5 

aive?  \fotild  it  have  altered  the  feeling  towards  the  Bourbons?  ojr 
would  it  not  rather  have  excited  to  revolt,  to  the  election  of  another 
chief — to  another  revolution — and  most  probably  to  scenes  of  civil 
war  and  indiscriminate  slaughter  ?  Among;  all  the  generals  of  Bona 
parte,  none  colud  have  been  exalted,  however  great  his  merit,  but 
jealousy  would  have  had  an  open  field;  none  could  have  assumed 
his  honour  without  exciting  enmity  ;  and  leagues  and  parties  would 
have  been  formed  for  rival  candidates  ;  his  appearance  put  all 
these  feuds  to  rest.  By  the  voice  of  the  sTongest  power  of  France 
he  was  undoubtedly  recalled  to  the  throne,  and  he  has  solemnly  re 
nounced  his  intention  of  extending  France  beyond  her  limits.  Thfi 
monarchs  of  Europe  cannot  certainly  pretend  to  dictate  a  rulrr  for 
thirty  millions  of  souls  which  France  contains,  or  to  the  stronger 
power  of  the  thirty  millions ;  on  this  head  therefore,  the}  have  no 
grounds  for  war  :  if  they  dispute  or  disbelieve  the  intentions  of 
Bonaparte,  a  strong  and  powerful  army  to  protect  Iheir  bnmers, 
and  a  combination  to  that  effect,  should  he  mean  false,  is  all  that 
prudence  or  justice  calls  lor;  but  should  they  invade  France,  r!e- 
lermined  to  crush  this  Chief  and  support  the  Bourbons  in  spite  of 
the  declared  will  of  the  strongest  powers  of  that  nation,  is  not 
Ihe  scene  of  desolation  which  may  ensue  rather  to  be  laid  at  their 
doors  than  at  the  door  of  Napoleon  ?  If  France  be  invaded,  impe 
rious  duty  calls  him  to  defend  it  ;  unthreatened  or  uninvaded, 
should  he  strike  the  blow,  no  one  will  venture  to  exculpate  him 
or  defend  him  from  the  judgment  that  may  then  with  justice  be 
alleged  against  him. 

If  I  am  permitted  to  offer  an  opinion  on  this  novel  scene  which 
at  this  moment  so  deeply  interests  the  world,  it  is,  that  there  will 
either  be  no  bloodshed  in  this  business,  and  that  all  the  powers  will 
again  meet  in  a  general  congress,  in  which  Bonaparte  will  be  ac 
knowledged  and  make  one,  or  that  the  campaign  will  be  a  sanguin 
ary  and  a  short  one,  and  perhaps,  the  last  that  will  for  many  years 
to  come,  be  fought  on  the  European  continent. 

I  am  inclined  rather  to  the  laiter  opinion,  and  that  the  blow  will 
be  struck.  I  am  induced  to  this  belief  from  the  great  exertions 
England  is  apparently  making,  and  the  troops  she  is  sending  to  the 
continent.  The  interest  of  England  stimulates  her  to  rekiudle,  1C 

9 


66 

possible,  a  renewal  of  hostilities  on  the  continent;  and  she  will  im 
doubtedly  endeavour  to  keep  it  alive  as  long  as  possible.  When  f 
Bay  the  interest  of  England,  I  view  it  only  in  a  political  light,  as 
regards  the  present  hour.  A  renewal  of  hostilities,  will,  without 
doubt,  increase  the  taxes  and  impositions  of  Great  Britain  as  well 
as  her  national  debt,  in  order  to  maintain  the  war ;  and  this  viewed 
in  one  light  cannot  be  considered  as  her  interest.  To  lessen  them 
all,  would  appear,  according  to  reason,  to  be  much  more  so.  But 
a  war  on  the  continent  establishes  her  monopoly ;  and  as  she  has 
refined  so  long  upon  that  system  of  supplying  all  the  world  with  her 
fabricks,  and  making  her  ports  the  general  market  of  mankind,  in 
order  to  maintain  unrivalled  that  system;  no  augmentation  of  the 
national  debt,  no  increase  of  popular  burthens,  to  whatever  amount 
they  may  extend,  have  any  consideration,  compared  to  the  princi 
ple  of  general  monopoly.  This  sentiment  has  become  so  prepon 
derating  in  the  minds  of  the  rulers  of  that  nation,  it  has  become  so 
interwoven  iu  all  her  constitutional  acts  and  decrees;  has  become, 
indeed,  so  much  the  master  spirit,  which  guides  and  directs  her 
helm  of  state,  that  before  it  all  other  considerations  bend  ;  nud 
however  stupendous  they  may  appear  to  the  eyes  of  surrounding 
mortals,  they  are  minor  subjects  and  unworthy  of  a  thought,  to  the 
niachiavelian  policy  which  rules  the  destiny  of  this  insulated  des 
potism. 

Ten  months  of  peace,  has  again  proved  to  the  ministers  of  that 
nation,  as  did  the  peace  of  Amiens,  that  it  has  more  danger  iu  it 
than  an  eternal  war.  Peace  to  be  sure,  she  has  not  enjoyed ;  for  the 
•war  we  have  lately  emerged  from,  was  of  deeper  consequences  to  her 
than  she  had  calculated  on.  It  was  intended  no  doubt  to  have 
been  maintained  as  an  episode,  or  interlude,  to  the  great  drama  of 
the  continent ;  but  it  hae,  eventuated  with  some  tragic  scenery, 
which  was  foreign  to  both  the  tempei  and  inclinations  of  the  "  Mis- 
tress  of  the  Ocean"'' 

It  was,  however,  ihe  ten  months  peace  of  the  continent,  which 
had  ;he  most  threatening  and  portentous  aspec;  in  the  affairs  of  En 
gland.  The  genius  of  man  is  generally  the  same  in  every  clime  and 
country.  A  selfish  motive  prevails  even  with  the  most  liberal  :— 
Thus  we  find,  that  the  moment  a  continental  peace  was  con 
cluded  ;  peopUjofall  descriptions — the  man  of  moderate  income 


67 

—the  one  of  rather  depressed  circumstances — the  nobles  of  greal 
and  magnificent  fortunes — all  flockt-d,  as  by  general  const  nt,  even 
to  that  clime,  which  from  the  prejudice  of  centuries,  they  had  been 
taught  to  detest;  and  which  from  difference  of  habits  and  lan 
guage,  was  uncongenial  to  their  tempers;  merely  because  they 
could  live  and  enjoy  themselves  at  a  cheaper  rate,  and  escape  from 
the  exactions  and  taxation  of  their  own  government.  Not  onlv 
France,  but  the  continent  of  Europe,  swarmed  with  cmigrat  on  from 
England  ;  and  a  sentiment  was  fast  awakening  in  the  bosoms  of  the 
nation,  that  to  expatriate  themselves  WHS  to  better  their  fortunes. 
There  were,  however,  a  portion  of  the  community  who  could  not 
put  this  in  practice.  The  poor  and  needy  dependant  of  diurnal  pro 
fits — the  artisan — the  trafficker — the  merchant,  ayd  particularly 
those  who  received  a  scanty  subsistence  from  daily  labour,  seemed 
to  be  excluded  from  this  enjoyment  of  deserting  their  soil.  And 
on  them  was  to  fall  heavy  the  burthen  of  supporting  the  government 
under  which  they  lived.  A  government  oppressed  tenfold  in  propor 
tion  to  any  other  in  Europe,  as  regards  the  exactions  on  its  subjects. 
It  had  arrived  at  this  crisis,  when  the  enaction  of  the  corn  laws,  which 
forbid  the  importation  of  grain  under  such  a  price,  awakened  a  feel 
ing  in  the  bosoms  of  wretchedness,  which  threatened  the  most  despe 
rate  results;  these  laws,  were  indeed,  neither  more  or  less,  than  for 
bidding  those  Englishmen  who  remained  at  home,  from  eating  bread 
at  the  reduced  price  ;  which  their  more  favoured  countrymen  who 
sought  the  neighbouring  soil  of  the  continent,  enjoyed.  They  were, 
however,  imperious  laws,  and  founded  on  the  first  necessity.  The 
landed  interest,  of  the  nation,  was  laid  prostrate  if  they  were  not  en 
acted.  It  was  the  first  step  to  national  and  universal  ruin.  When 
the  landed  interest  of  a  nation  is  suffered  to  sink,  all  classes  follow 
with  it.  And  although  the  landed  interest  of  England  is  tmall.  com 
parative  to  her  manufacturing  interest,  yet  they  are  so  dependant, 
that  the  same  vortex  which  ingulphed  one,  would  destroy  the  other. 
Wirh  the  national  domain,  or  landed  interest,  exists  also  the  nation* 
al  debt ;  and  without  the  support  of  this  interest,  by  these  severe 
laws,  a  national  bankruptcy  threatened  to  ensue.  Whatever  dan 
ger  was  menaced  therefore,  from  the  populace ;  the  case  was  ur 
gent,  was  indispensable  an-i  imperious;  and  there  was  110  other 
means  offered  to  save  the  nation. 


68 

A  continental  war,  would  at  once  put  at  rest  this  question  ;  whicb, 
although  maintained  by  the  government  of  England,  was  carried  at 
the  risk  of  a  civil  insurrection;  was  enforced  at  the  point  of  the  t>ay- 
onet ;  and  was  attended  with  many  appalling  features.  Jt  was,  how 
ever,  maintained ;  and  the  opposition  of  the  populace  of  London, 
was  routed  -<nd  dispersed.  But  who  could  say  that  opposition  was 
destroyed  ?  The  samr  sentiments  pervaded  the  minds  of  the  suffer 
ing  multitude;  and  might  or  may  agaiu  be  awakened  and  stimula 
ted  to  future  riots,  of  more  alarming  and  eventful  character.  As 
long  as  peace  exists  wiih  France  and  the  continent,  so  long  must 
th'-'se  obnoxious  and  unpopular  laws  remain  in  force;  a  war  renders 
their  enaction  or  continuance  as  unnecessary  ;  and  although  the  shi 
vering  sons  of  wretchedness  and  despair,  will  be  in  such  case,  no  bet 
ter  off  than  at  present,  (and  perhaps  worse,)  yet  the  bitter  and  cruel 
orrtonnance  of  their  resentment,  will  become  as  a  dead  letter  ;  and 
although  it  may  live  in  their  remembrance,  it  will  not  remain  as  ao 
exiting  statute  of  their  rancour. 

It  is  from  these,  ?nd  other  considerations,  that  I  adopt  the  senti 
ment  that  England  will  industriously  endeavour  to  foment  a  j.  al- 
ousy  on  the  continent  against  Fiance,  and  to  enter  into  the  war 
herself,  with  any  power  that  will  join  lu-r  ;  and  indeed,  rather  than 
fail  in  this  object,  I  should  even  consider  it,  as  an  event,  by  no 
means  surprising,  that  she  would  make  an  alliance  with  Fiance, 
even  against  the  other  continental  powers,  thereby  evincing  at  once 
to  the  world,  the  justice  of  princes,  ihe faith  of  treaties,  and  the  con 
siderations  which  bind  allied  monarchs  in  the  present  epoch  of  po 
litic*!  strife. 

However  contradictory  to  the  tenets  of  many  of  my  readers, 
houever  opposite  to  their  sentiments  or  feelings,  I  consider  it  as  a 
duty  which  I  owe  myself,  whilst  treating  on  this  subject,  to  declare 
that  I  am  impressed  with  the  conviction,  that  the  dynasty  of  Eng 
land  is  drawing  rapidly  to  a  close,  and  that,  before  many  revolving 
months  shall  furnish  matter  for  the  pen  of  the  steady  historian,  aa 
event  of  this  most  important  character  is  about  to  present  itself  for 
record ; — T  mean  the  downfall  of  a  government,  of  that  government 
'which  has,  for  many  centuries  held  and  maintained  the  most  impo 
sing  attitude  amongst  the  nations  of  the  earth  ;  and  which  has  ex 
ercised  and  administered  its  sovereignty  by  the  brightest  examples 


69 

o!  virtue  in  theory,  and  by  the  blackest  enormities  of  vice  iu  prao 
lice  ;  which  lias  shown  resplendent  with  the  most  brilliant  deeds  of 
chivahic  valour ;  \vhich  h'«s  been  ornamented  by  the  most  splendid 
trophies  oi  glory  and  patriotism;  which  has  justly  boasted  of  her  im 
mortal  sons  of  literature;  and  ha?  beeo  truly  the  liberal  patron  of 
every  art  and  science  ;  btr  has  sullied  her  f;mie  by  the  most  atrocious 
intrigues  of  cabinets ;  has  been  the  giant  of  despotism  in  the  four  quar 
ters  of  the  globe — has  visited,  with  unrelenting  hand,  her  massacres 
from  Asia  to  America — has  vainly  endeavoured  to  concentrate  in 
herself  the  wealth  of  all  humanity — and  bouying  herself  up  by  a 
system  founded  upon  the  most  fallacious  principles — "  that  there  is 
no  eud  to  national  credit,  and  national  monopoly;  has,  to  maintaio 
it,  been  as  the  fabled  Pelops  to  her  children,  offering  them  up  as  a 
ready  sacrifice  to  ministerial  ambition — has  deluged  the  groaniog 
earth  with  blood,  and  invited  th-  wrath  of  Heaven  to  chastise  her. 
That  the  hour,  the  portentous  hour,  when  this  mighty  nation  of 
Britain  is  to  suffer  in  the  throes  of  revolution,  is  : -?t  approaching,  I 
am  ready  to  hazard  as  an  assertion,  and  ready  also  to  qnXlify  it  by 
saying,  that  although  I  shall  regret  'he  enormities  and  the 
sanguinary  honors  which  may  How  from  it,  a'ir'  which  are  the  ge 
neral  features  of  revolutions  ;  yet.  as  an  event  that  deeply  interesti 
the  future  happiness  of  mankind,  I  -hail  rejoice  a*,  it ;  as  by  levelling 
that  enormous  raoUDttin  of  HLR  nationa'  debt,  which  poets  might 
distinguish  by  piling  O.-SA  upon  PELION,  it  will  give  t.-  the  civilized 
world  a  just  and  true  balance,  which,  HS  long  as  its  ficticious  and 
pernicious  power  exists,  can  never  be  accomplished.  England 
herself  will  then  become  a  nation  interesting  to  all  others  ;— 
emancipated  from  a  bondage  bejoml  comparison,  she  will  inter- 
oalU  possess  more  physical  *treug  h  and  powers,  than  she  has  done 
for  ages.  And  although  she  has  for  the  last  century,  in  some  mea 
sure  ruled  the  destiny  of  nations,  she  will  hive  a  noble  objeci  in  view, 
that  of  rulin?  justly  her  otvn  destiny,  and  makintr  mortality  with- 
in  her  happy  ;  and  while  conscious  of  its  real  blessings,  grateful  for 
the  mercy  of  a  benevolent  creator:  subjects  at  present  almost  lost 
in  the  remembrance  of  her  loc  ••!  population. 

I  have  stiled  this  imperfect  Pamphlet  the  SECOND  CRISIS  of 
America  Should  the  event  T  above  a' hide  to,  take  place  iu  our 
day,  aud  I  am  iucliued  to  believe  that  short  lived  meo  will  live  to 


70 

see  it,  the  present  epoch  might  well  be  called  the  SECOND  CRISIS 
of  the  world ;  for  siace  the  mighty  flood  which  swept  from  the  face 
of  earth  its  records,  never  has  there  been  one  so  important  and  so 
eventful  as  this  would  be  to  the  children  of  humanity. 

I  draw  to  the  conclusion— we  are  now,  thank  Heaven,  in  the 
enjoyment  of  peace  after  an  arduous  and  glorious  struggle  with  a 
nation  that  dictates  even  laws  to  Europe — all  that  remains  of  war 
is  an  insolent  barbarian  on  the  shores  of  Africa  who  has  invited 
the  rod  of  our  resentment.  My  fellow  citizens,  will  I  am  convinced, 
agree  with  me  in  one  point,  if  in  no  other,  which  those  pages  contain; 
which  is,  that  at  this  day  of  general  confusion,  where  all  is  unsettled 
and  doubtful — and  where  reason  itself  proves  but  speculation;  fhat 
the  wisest  policy  is  to  stand  aloof — from  foreign  influence  or foreign 
prejudice;  pursuing  the  paternal  advice  of  our  EVEU  TO  BE  REVER 
ED  WASHINGTON — "  Friendship  with  all  nations,  entangled  alliances 
•with  none" — and  also  cherishing  such  systems  of  internal  policy  as 
•will  make  us  what  we  term  ourselves — INDEPENDENT  STATES— 
independent  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  when  the  4ay  of  danger 
may  render  it  necessary. 


APPENDIX. 


I  introduce,  without  any  apology,  the  following  remarks  oi 
iny  fellow  citizen,  Mr.  William  J.  Diiaue,  of  Philadelphia,  toge 
ther  with  a  letter  from  that  great  and  deeply  to  be  lamented  cha» 
racter,  Mr.  Fulton ;  who  has,  by  the  researches  of  his  penetra 
ting  mind,  so  adorned  philosophy,  and  whose  early  departure  from 
this  world,  is  a  loss  to  mankind  in  general. 

We  recommend  those  of  our  readers,  who  have  not  yet  seen  this 
work  of  Mr.  Duane,  to  possess  themselves  of  it;  it  was  published 
in  Philadelphia,  in  letters,  in  the  year  1810,  and  possesses  great 
merit.  Mr.  Duane  thus  speaks  of  Canals:— 

"  Of  the  peculiar  benefits  of  canals,  in  preference  to  roads,  much 
may  be  said ;  I  shall  not,  however,  be  very  diffuse  on  the  subject. 
Canals  are  important  to  the  farmer  and  landholder,  because  they 
enhance  the  value  of  the  lands,  woods,  coals,  iron  and  other  mines, 
to  the  extent  of  at  least  forty  miles  on  each  side  of  the  country 
through  which  they  pass ;  because  they  enable  the  farmer  to  carry 
his  produce  to  market,  and  to  return  in  his  boat  loaded  with  goods 
or  manure,  at  an  expense  twenty  times  less  than  by  roads,  and 
because  all  that  is  thus  saved  is  actual  profit;  they  are  important 
to  him,  besides,  in  case  he  should  want  either  to  drain  his  lauds  or 
to  irrigate  them  ;  and  they  also  enable  him  to  employ  his  horses  or 
ox«jri  entirely  upon  his  farm,  and  not  on  the  road. 

Canals  are  important  to  the  manufacturers,  because  they  enable 
them  to  collect  and  transport  the  raw  materials  and  fuel  that  are 
wanted ;  to  convey  the  goods  manufactured,  at  so  cheap  a  rate  as 
to  admit  their  selling  their  productions  at  a  much  cheaper  price 
than  similar  goods  could  be  imported  for. 

Canals  are  important  to  the  miner,  because  they  enable  him  to 
convey  to  market  such  heavy  or  bulky  articles  as  would  not  beat 
the  cost  of  land  transportatioo. 


•73 

Canals  are  important  to  merchants  on  the  sea  coast  and  in  tte 
interior,  by  affording  a  certain  and  cheap  conveyance  for  300 (is  or 
articles  imported  by  the  former,  and  for  the  produce  returned  by 
the  latter ;  hut  they  are  still  more  important  by  opening  a  trade  be 
tween  all  parts  of  our  immense  continent,  which  must  at  no  Distant 
day,  rival,  if  not  entirely  supevcede  a  large  foreign  trade. 

Canals  in  winter  may  answer,  as  in  Holland  and  Flanders,  all  the 
purposes  of  the  best  constructed  roads — they  are  thus  used,  in  those 
countries,  by  means  of  sleighs,  as  much  as  tl  ey  are  by  means  of 
.boais  in  summer. 

Canals,  including  the  towing  path,  do  not  occupy  more  ground 
than  our  turnpike  roads ;  a  canal  forty  feet  wide  and  a  mile  long 
would  occupy  but  five  acres  of  ground. 

An  able  English  writer  upon  inland  uavigation,  Mr.  John  Phil 
lips,  makes  these  impressive  remarks. — "  All  canals  may  be  con 
sidered  as  so  many  roads  of  a  certain  kind,  on  which  one  horse 
will  draw  as  much  as  thirty  horses  on  ordinary  turnpike  roads,  or 
on  which  one  man  alone  will  transport  as  much  as  three  men  and 
lighteen  horses  usually  do  ou  common  roads.  The  public  would 
be  great  gainers,  were  they  to  lay  out  upon  making  everv  mile  of 
canal  twenty  times  as  much  as  they  expend  upon  a  mile  of  turni/ike 
road  ;  but  a  mile  of  canal  is  often  made  at  a  less  expense  than  a 
mile  of  turnpike.  Were  we  to  make  the  supposition  of  two  states^ 
the  one  having  all  its  cities,  towns  and  villages  upou  navigable  riv 
ers  and  canals,  having  an  ea^y  communication  with  each  other 5 
the  other  possessing  the  common  conveyance  of  lard  carriage ; 
and  supposing  both  states  to  be  equal  as  to  soil,  climate  and  indus 
try  ;  commodities  and  manufactures  in  the  former  state  might  be 
furnished  thirty  per  cent  cheaper  than  in  the  latter  ?  or  in  other 
•words,  the  first  state  would  be  a  third  richer  and  more  affluent 
tha*  the  other." 

Our  own  countryman,  Mr.  Robert  Fulton,  whose  scientific  and 
practical  knowledge  as  an  engineer,  are  only  equal  d  by  his  pa 
triotic  efforts  to  make  it  useful  to  his  country,  has  vuitteu  largely 
aod  ably  respecting  the  superiority  of  canals." 


74 


MR.  FULTON'S  COMMUNICATION. 


SIR, 

BY  your  letter  of  the  29th  of  July,  I  am*  happy  to  find 
that  the  attention  of  congress  is  directing  itself,  towards  the  opening 
of  communications  through  the  United  States,  by  means  of  roads 
and  canals ;  and  it  would  give  me  particular  pleasure  to  aid  you 
with  useful  information  on  such  works,  as  I  have  long  been  contera* 
plating  their  importance  in  many  points  of  view. 

But  a  year  has  not  yet  elapsed  since  I  returned  to  America,  and 
my  private  concerns  have  occupied  so  much  of  my  time,  that  as  yet 
I  have  acquired  but  very  little  local  information  on  the  several  ca 
nals  which  have  been  commenced. 

Such  information,  however,  is  perhaps  at  present  Dot  the  most 
important  branch  of  the  subject,  particularly  as  h  cai»  Ijp  obtained 
in  a  few  months  at  a  small  expense,  whenever  the  public  mind  shall 
be  impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  vast  advantages  of  a  general  sys 
tem  of  cheap  conveyance. 

I  hope,  indeed,  that  every  intelligent  American  will  in  a  few 
years,  be  fully  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  such  works  to  pro 
mote  the  national  wealth  and  his  individual  interest.  Such  con 
viction  must  arise  from  that  habit  of  reflection  which  accompanies 
the  republican  principle,  and  points  out  their  true  interest  on  sub 
jects  of  political  economy.  From  such  reflections  arises  their  love 
of  agriculture  and  the  useful  arts,  knowing  them  to  augment  the 
rich*-*  and  happiness  of  the  nation;  hence  also  their  dislike  t» 
standing  armies  and  military  navies,  as  being  the  means  of  inciea- 
sing  the  proportion  of  non-productive  individuals,  whose  labour  is 
not  only  lost,  but  who  must  be  supported  out  of  the  produce  of  the 
industrious  inhabitants,  and  diminish  their  enjoyments. 

Such  right  thinking  does  great  honour  to  our  nation,  and  leads 
forward  to  :he  highest  possible  state  of  civilization,  by  directing  the 
powers  of  man  from  useless  ami  destructive  occupations,  to  pursuits 
which  multiply  the  productions  of  useful  labour,  and  create  abun 
dance* 


75 

Though  such  principles  actuate  our  citizens,  they  are  oot  yet  in 
«very  instance,  a\v*re  of  their  best  interests  ;  uor  can  i>  In:  expect 
ed  that  they  should  perceive  at  once  the  advantages  of  tho.se  plans 
of  improvement,  which  are  still  new  in  this  country.  Hence  the 
most  useful  works  have  sometimes  been  opposed  ;  and  we  are  not 
without  examples  of  men  being  elected  into  the  state  legislature?  for 
the  express  purpose  of  preventing  roads,  canals,  and  bridges  being 
constructed.  But  in  such  errors  of  judgment  our  countrymen  have 
not  been  singular.  When  a  bill  was  brought  into  the  British  parlia 
ment  fifty  years  ago,  to  establish  lu  npike  roads  throughout  the 
kingdom,  the  inhabitants  for  forty  miles  round  London  petitioned 
against  such  roacis;  their  arguments  were,  that  good  roads  would 
enable  the  farmers  of  the  interior  couniry  to  bring  their  produce  to 
the  London  market  cheaper  'ban  they  who  lived  nearer  the  city, 
and  paid  higher  rent :  that  the  market  would  be  overstocked,  the 
prices  diminised  and  they  unable  to  pay  their  rent,  or  obtain  a  liv 
ing.  The  good  sense  of  parliament,  however,  prevailed  ;  the  roads 
were  made,  the  population  and  commerce  of  London  increased,  the 
demand  for  produce  increased,  and  he  who  lived  nearest  to  London 
still  had  a  superior  advantage  in  the  market. 

In  like  manner  I  hope  the  good  sense  of  our  legislature  will  pre 
vail  over  the  ignorance  and  prejudice  which  may  still  exist  against 
canals.  And  here  an  imoortant  question  occurs,  which  it  may  be 
proper  to  examine  with  some  attention  in  this  ear!)  stage  of  our 
public  improvements — whether,  a«  a  system,  we  should  prefer  ca 
nals  to  turnpike  roads?  Our  habits  are  in  favor  of  roads ;  and  few 
of  us  have  conceived  any  better  method  of  opening  communications 
to  the  various  parts  of  states  But  in  China  and  Holland,  canal*  ire 
more  numerous  than  roads;  in  those  countries  the  inhabitant*  art 
accustomed  to  see  all  their  productions  carried  either  on  natural  or 
artificial  canals,  and  they  would  be  as  murh  at  a  lo*s  to  know  how 
we,  as  a  civilized  people  could  do  without  such  means  of  convey 
ance,  as  we  are  suprised  at  their  perseverance  and  ingenuity  in  mak 
ing  them.*  England,  France,  and  the  principal  states  of  Europe, 
commenced  their  improvements  with  roads,  but  as  the  science  of 

*  The  royal  canal  from  Canton  to  Fekin,  is' 82*  miles  loog,  its  breadth  50  feet, 
its  depth  nine  feet. 


76 

the  ensrineer  improved,  and  civilization  advanced,  canals  were  io- 
troditrrd,  &nd  Eugtand  and  Frauce  are  now  making  every  exertion 
to  s*.1  (he  whole  of  their  heavy  productions  water-home,  for  they 
havt  become  sensible  of  the  vast  superiority  of  canals  over  roads. 

Our  system  perhaps  ought  to  embrace  them  both :  cauals  f«r  the 
long  carriage  of  the  whole  materials  of  agriculture  aud  manufac 
tures,  and  roads  for  travelling  and  the  more  numerous  communica 
tions  of  the  country.  With  these  two  modes  in  contemplation, 
when  public  money  is  to  he  expended  with  a  view  to  the  greatest 
good,  we  should  now  consider  which  object  is  entitled  to  our  first 
attention.  Shall  we  begin  with  canals,  which  will  carry  the  farm 
ers  produce  cheap  to  market,  and  return  him  merchandize  at  re 
duced  prices?  Or  shall  we  first  make  roads  to  accommodate  travel 
ler,  and  let  the  produce  of  our  farms,  mines  and  forests,  labor  un 
der  such  heavy  expenses  that  they  cannot  come  to  market  ? 

To  throw  some  light  on  this  interesting  question,  I  will  base  my 
calculations  on  the  Lancaster  turnpike  road.  There  the  fair  ex 
periment  has  been  made  to  penetrate  from  Philadelphia  to  the  in 
terior  country,  and  the  mode  of  calculation  here  given  will  serve 
for  drawing  comparisons  on  he  utilii}  of  roads,  and  cauals,  for  all 
the  great  leading  communications  of  America. 

From  Philadelphia  to  the  Susquehanna  at  Columbia,  is  seventy- 
four  miles;  that  road,  if  I  am  rightly  informed,  cost  on  an  average 
6,000  dollars  a  mile,  or  444.000  dollars  for  the  whole.  On  it,  from 
Columbia  «»  Philadelphia,  a  ban  el  of  flour,  say  200  weight,  pays 
one  dollar  caniage.  A  broad  wheeled  wagon  carries  30  barrels  or 
thiet  tons,  and  pays  for  turnpike  three  dollars;  thus  for  each  too 
carried,  the  turnpike  company  receives  only  one  dollar. 

I  will  now  suppose  a  canal  to  have  been  cut  frem  Philadelphia 
to  Columbia,  and  with  its  windings,  to  make  100  miles,  at  15,000 
dol';»is*  a  mile,  or  for  the  whole  1,500,000 dollars.  On  such  canal, 
one  man,  one  boy^  and  horse,  would  convey  23  tons  20  miles  a 
day. -f  on  which  the  following  would  be  the  expenses  : 

*On  averaging  the  canals  of  America,  15,000  dollar?  a  mile  will  be  abundantly 
sufficient  to  construct  them  in  the  best  manner,  particularly  if  made  on  the  inclined 
plane  .irinciple,  with  small  boat?,  each  carrying  six  tons. 

fOne  horse  wi'l  draw  on  a  canal,  from  25  to  50  torn,  20  miles  in  one  day.  lhave 
itate  the  Ka-t  th*y  ever  do,  and  the  highest  rate  of  charges,  that  oo  deceptipa 
s5ay  enter  into  these  calculations 


77 

One  man,             •  -                 dolls.  1  00 

One  burse,              -  -                        -  1  00 

One  i^oy,              -              -  -              -             •           •  50 

Tolls  for  repairing  the  caual  -             -             -  1  OG 

Tolls  for  passing  loc^s,  inclined  planes,  tunnels  and  aque 

ducts, 1  00 

Interest  on  the  wear  of  the  boat         ....  50 

Total,         .  dolls.  5  00 

This  is  equal  to  20  cents  a  ton  for  20  miles,  and  no  more  'ban 
one  dollar  a  ton  for  100  miles,  instead  of  10  dollai?  paid  by  the  road. 
Consequently  for  each  ton  carried  fr  >m  Columbia  to  Philadelphia 
on  the  canal,  the  company  might  take  a  toll  of  six  dollars  instead 
of  one,  u  hich  is  now  got  by  the  ro'id ;  and  then  the  flour  would 
arrive  at  Philadelphia  for  seven  dollars  a  ton  instead  often,  wh'ch 
it  now  pays.  The  merchandize  would  also  arrive  at  Columbia 
from  Philadelphia,  for  three  dollars  a  ton  less  than  is  now  paid; 
which  cheap  carriage  both  ways  would  not  only  benefit  the  farmer 
and  merchant,  but  would  draw  more  commerce  on  the  canal  than 
now  moves  on  the  road,  and  thereby  add  to  the  profits  of  the  comp^. 
oy. 

But  to  proceed  with  my  calculations,  I  will  suppose,  that  ex 
actly  the  same  uumber  of  tons  would  move  on  the  canal  that  are 
now  transported  by  the  road.  Again,  let  it  be  supposed  that  at  one 
dollar  a  ton  the  turnpike  company  gains  five  per  cent,  per  annum  on 
the  capital  of  44-1,000  dollars,  or  22,200  dollars,  consequent!)  22.200 
tons  must  be  carried,  which  at  six  dollars  a  ton  to  the  canal  conn>a- 
oy  would  have  given  133.200  dollars  a  year,  or  eight  and  a  half 
per  cent,  for  their  capital  of  1,500,000  dollars. 

The  reason  of  this  vast  difference  io  the  expense  of  carriage 
by  roads  or  canals,  will  be  obvious  to  any  one  who  wiM  take  the 
trouble  to  reflect,  that  on  a  road  of  the  best  kind  four  horses,  aiid 
sometimes  five  are  necessary  to  transport  only  three  tons.  On  a 
canal  one  horse  will  draw  25  tons,  and  thus  perform  the  work  of  40 
horses;  the  saving  thereof  is  in  the  value  of  horses,  <heir  'Vrding, 
shoeing,  geers,  wagons,  and  attendance.  These  facts  should  m 


78 

duce  companies  to  consider  well  their  iuterest,  when  contempla- 
ting  an  enterprise  of  this  *ort,  and  what  would  be  their  profits,  not 
only  in  interest  for  their  capita!,  but  the  benefit  which  their  lands 
would  receive  by  the  cheap  carnage  of  manure  and  of  their  produc 
tions. 

In  considering  the  profit  to  accrue  to  a  company  from  a  canal 
instead  of  roads,  there  is  another  important  calculation  to  be  made, 
and  for  that  purpose  I  will  proceed  with  the  Lancaster  turnpike 
supposing  it  to  extend  to  Pittsburgh,  320  miles.  On  which  the 
carnage  being  at  the.  rate  now  paid  from  Columbia  to  Philadelphia, 
that  is  10  dollars  a  ton  for  74  miles,  the  ton  from  Pittsburgh  would 
amount  to  42  dollars,  at  which  price  a  barrel  of  flour  wou'd  cost 
fom  dollars  in  carriage,  an  expense  which  excludes  it  from  the  mar 
ket.  Thus,  grain,  the  most  important  and  abundant  production  of 
our  interior  country,  and  which  should  give  vigor  to  our  manufac 
tures,  is  shut  up  in  the  districts  most  favorabie  to  its  culture ;  or  to 
render  it  portable  and  convert  it  into  cash,  it  must  be  distilled  to 
brutalize  and  poison  society.  In  like  manner,  all  heavy  articles  of 
lill'e  monied  value,  can  only  move  within  the  narrow  limits  of  100 
miles  ;  but  were  a  canal  made  the  whole  distance,  and  by  one  or 
more  companies,  they  might  arrange  the  tolls  in  the  following  man 
ner,  so  as  to  favor  the  long  carriage  of  heavy  articles. 

The  expense  of  man,  boy  and  horse,  as  before  stated,  would  cost 
only  three  dollars  to  boat  one  ton  of  flour  300  miles,  this  is  30  cents 
a  barrel ;  suppose  then,  that  the  company  receive  70  cents  a  barrel 
or  seven  dollars  a  ton,  flour  could  then  come  from  Pittsburgh  to 
Philadelphia  for  one  dollar  a  barrel,  the  sum  which  is  now  paid  from 
Columbia  ;  thus  the  canal  company  would  gain  seven  dollars  a  ton 
by  a  trade  which  could  never  move  through  a  road  of  equal  length. 
Here  we  see  that  on  canals  the  tolls  may  be  so  arranged  as  to  draw 
to  them  articles  of  little  monird  value,  and  it  would  be  the  interest  of 
the  company  or  companies  to  make  such  regulations.  But  on  turn 
pike  roads  no  such  accommodation  of  charges  in  proportion  to  dis 
tance,  can  be  effected,  because  of  the  number  of  horses  which  can- 
Dot  be  dispensed  with/  Even  were  the  roads  made  at  the  public 

*  In  my  work  on  small  canals,  publ'shed  in  1796,  page  140  there  is  a  table  show 
ing  a  mode  of  rejulatiug  the  boats  and  tonnage  in  such  manner,  that  a  ton  may  be 
transported  i:*00  miles  for  five  doll  11-3 :  Yet  ;>y  this  method  canal  companies  would 
;:ain  more  toll  than  by  any  other  means  yet  practised. 


79 

expense,  and  toll  free,  still  the  carriage  of  one  ton  for  three  hund 
red  miles  would  cost  at  least  thirt) -five  doliarfl.  But  were  canals 
made  at  the  public  expense,  and  no  other  toll  demanded  than  should 
be  sufficient  to  keep  then)  in  repair,  a  too  in  boating  and  tolfs 
would  only  cost  three  dollars  for  300  miles;  and  tor  35  dollars,  the 
sum,  which  must  be  paid  to  carry  one  ton  300  miles  on  the  best 
ef  roads,  it  could  be  boated  three  thousand  five  hundred  miles,  aud 
draw  resources  from  the  centre  of  this  vast  continent. 

But  striking  as  this  comparison  is,  I  will  extend  it.  The  mer 
chandize  which  can  bear  the  expense  of  carriage  on  our  present 
roads  to  Pittsburg,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  or  any  other  distance 
pays  100  dollars  a  ton,  could  be  boated  on  canals  ten  thousand  miles 
for  that  sum. 

As  these  calculations  are  founded  on  facts  which  will  not  be  de 
nied  by  any  one  acquainted  with  the  advantages  of  canals,  it  is  the 
interest  of  any  man  of  landed  property,  and  particularly  of  the  far 
mers  of  the  back  countries,  that  canals  should  be  immediately  cori- 
•tructed  and  rendered  as  numerous  as  the  funds  of  the  nation  will  per 
mit,  and  the  present  population  requires;  and  as  inhabitants  mul 
tiply  most  toward  the  interior  and  must  extend  westward,  still  mo 
ving  more  distant  from  the  sea  coast  and  the  market  for  their  pro 
duce,  it  is  good  policy  3ud  right  that  canals  should  follow  them.  In 
25  years  our  population  will  amount  to  14  millions;  two-thirds  of 
whom  will  spread  over  the  western  conntries.  Suppose  then  that 
3,500,000  dollars  were  annually  appropriated  to  canals,  such  a  sum 
would  pay  for  300  miles  of  canals  each  year,  and  in  20  years  we 
should  have  6000  miles  circulating  through  and  penetrating  into 
the  interior  of  the  different  states  ;  such  sums  though  seemingly 
large,  and  such  works,  though  Hpparently  stupendous,  are  not  more 
than  sufficient  to  keep  pace  with  the  rapid  increase  of  our  popula 
tion,  to  open  the  market  and  carry  to  every  district  such  foreign 
articles  as  we,  near  the  coast,  enjoy.  With  this  view  of  t lit  subject, 
arises  a  political  question  of  the  utmost  magnitude  to  these  states — 
Which  is — 

That  as  our  national  debt  diminishes,  and  the  treasury  increases 
in  surplus  revenue,  will  it  not  he  the  best  'merest  of  the  peonle  to 
continue  the  present  duties  on  imports,  and  expend  the  products  in 
national  improvement  ? 


80 

To  illustrate  this  question,  I  will  state  some  examples  of  the  rate 
of 'fuii's  <u.d  the  expense  of  carriage,  to  prove  that  by  keeping  on 
the  (iuiies  and  making  canals  with  the  revenue,  goods  in  a  great 
Dumber  of  instances  will  be  cheaper  to  the  consumer,  thaa  by  ta* 
king  oflf  the  duties,  and  leaving  the  transport  to  roads. 

FIRST  EXAMPLE, 

Brown  sugar  pays  in  duty,  two  and  a  half  cents  & 

pound,    or  for  100  pounds,         •  «          dol.   2  50 

It  pays  for  wagoning  300  miles,  -  -  5  00 

Total,     dol.  7  50 

By  the  canal,  it  would  cost  in  boating  15  cents  for  300  miles; 
Consequent)^  the  boating  and  duty  would  amount  to  two  dollars 
sixty-five  cents  ;  therefore,  b)  keeping  onihedui}  and  making  ca 
nals,  sugar  would  arrive  at  th>  interior,  300  miles,  for  two  dollars 
thirty  five  cents  rhe  hundred  weight  cheaper  than  if  the  duties  were 
taken  off  and  the  transport  left  to  roads. 

SECOND  EXAMPLE 

One  bushel  of  salt,  weighing  56  pounds  paid  in 

duty,  -  dol.  0  20 

To  carry  it  300  miles  by  roads,  the  expense  is    -  2  50 

Total,     dol.  2  70 


By  the  canal  it  would  cost  for  boffting  300  miles,  seven  and  a 
half  cents.  Bv  k^rping  <»n  >be  duties  and  rmkiug  the  canals,  it 
would  arrive  to  the  interior  ron>>i:n»  r  »t  -•-  fi  >:  I'^is  ihi^y-two  and 
a  half  cents  thebu?frf'  cheaper  thaa  were  the  duties  taken  off»  and 
the  transport  left  to  roads. 


81 
THIRD  EXAMPLE. 

Molasses  pays  five  cents  a  gallon  duty,  this  is  for 

100  Ib.  -  dolls.  0  75 

It  pays  for  wagooing  300  miles,  -  5  00 

Total,  dolls.  5  75 

By  the  canal,  the  carriage  would  cost  15  cents,  and  it  would 
arrive  at  the  interior,  at  four  dollars  ten  cents  the  luodred  weight, 
or  27  cents  a  gallon  cheaper  than  were  the  duties  taken  off,  and 
the  transport  left  to  roads. 

Numerous  other  articles  might  be  stated  to  show  that  the  real 
mpde  of  rendering  them  cheap  to  the  interior  consumer,  is  to  keep 
on  the  duties  and  facilitate  the  carriage  with  the  funds  so  raised. 
These,  however,  may  be  considered  as  partial  benefits,  and  not 
sufficiently  general  to  warrant  keeping  on  the  duties.  But  there  is 
a  point  of  view  in  which  I  hope  it  will  appear  that  the  advantages 
are  general,  and  will  be  fel*  throughout  every  part  of  the  states,  It 
is  by  reducing  the  expense  of  all  kinds  of  carriage,  and  thus  econo 
mise  to  each  individual  more  than  he  now  pays  in  duty  on  the  fo 
reign  articles  which  he  consumes. 

FOR  EXAMPLE. 

Wood,  for  fuel,  is  an  article  of  the  first  necessity :  it  cannot 
bear  the  expense  of  transport  twenty  miles  on  roads;  at  thai  dis 
tance  it  is  shut  out  from  the  market,  ami  the  price  of  fuel  is  conse 
quently  raised  the  amount  of  the  carnage;  were  a  cord  of  wood 
carried  twenty  miles  oo  roads,  it  would  pay  for  wagoning  at  least 
three  dollars;  on  a  canal  it  would  pay  twenty  cents;  thus,  on  only 
one  cord  of  wood,  there  is  an  economy  of  two  dollars  eighty  cents, 
which  economy  would  pay  the  duty  OD  fourteen  pounds  of  tea,  at 
twenty  cents  the  pound  duty  ; 

Or  140  pounds  of  sugar,  at  two  cents  the  pound  duty; 

Or  56  pounds  of  coffee,  at  five  cents  the  pound  duty ; 

Or  14  bushels  of  salt,  at  twenty  cents  the  bushel  duty; 

Or  56  gallons  of  molasses,  at  five  cents  the  gallon  duty. 
11 


82 

I  will  now  suppose  a  city  of  50,000  inhabitants,  who  for  their 
household  and  other  uses,  will  consume  50  thousand  cords  a  year, 
on  which  there  would  be  an  economy  of  140,000  dollars,  a  sum  in 
all  probability  equal  to  the  duties  paid  by  the  inhabitants.  For 
the  duties  divided  on  the  whole  of  the  American  people,  are  but 
two  dollars  twenty-eight  cents  to  each  individual.  Here  I  have  es 
timated  each  person  to  pay  two  dollars  eighty  cents,  yet  this  esti 
mate  is  made  on  one  cord  of  wood  to  each  inhabitant  of  a  city  j 
were  1  to  calculate  the  economy  on  the  carriage  of  building  timber, 
lime,  sand,  brick,  stone,  iron,  flour,  corn,  provision  and  materials 
of  all  kinds,  which  enter  or  go  out  of  a  city,  it  would  be  five 
times  this  sum ;  and  thus  the  towns  and  cities  are  to  be  benefitted. 
The  farmer  or  miller  who  lives  20  miles  from  a  market,  pays  at 
least  twenty-two  cents  to  wagon  a  barrel  of  flour  that  distance  ;  by 
the  canal  it  would  cost  two  cents;  the  economy  would  be  twenty 
cents;  at  100  miles  the  economy  would  be  100  cents,  and  at  150 
miles  it  would  be  150  cents;  beyond  this  distance  flour  cannot 
come  to  market  by  roads  ;  yet  at  this  distance  the  economy  of  150 
cents  on  the  carriage  of  one  barrel  of  flour  would  pay  the  duty  01 

7  1-2  pounds  of  tea; 

Or  75  pounds  of  sugar; 

Or  30  pounds  of  coffee; 

Or  7  1-2  bushels  of  salt  ; 

Or  36  gallons  of  molasses. 

Thus  it  is.  that  the  benefits  arising  from  a  good  system  of  canals, 
are  general  and  mutual.  Therefore  should  peace  and  the  reduction 
of  the  national  debt,  give  an  overflowing  treasury,  I  hope  you,  and 
the  majority  of  Americans,  will  think  with  me,  that  the  duties 
should  not  be  taken  off  nor  diminished  ;  for  such  an  act,  instead  of 
relieving  the  people,  would  really  oppress  them,  by  destroying  the 
means  of  reducing  the  expense  of  transport,  and  of  opening  to  them 
a  cheap  mode  of  arriving  at  good  markets. 

To  proceed  with  these  demonstrations,  let  us  look  at  the  rich  pro- 
ductions  of  our  interior  country  : 

Wheat,  flour,  oats,  barley,  beans,  grain,  and  pulse  of  all  kinds  ; 

Salt,  saltftd  beef,    pork  and  other  meats  ;* 

*  Animals  are  now  driven  to  market  300  or  more  miles,  at  a  considerable  expense 
and  loss  of  fksh,  for  two  principal  re-ason- :  first,  the  expense  of  transporting  the 
salt  to  the  interior;  and,  second,  the  expense  of  carrying  the  salted  meats  t« 
market. 


Hides,  tallow,   beeswax; 

Cast  and  forged  iron  ; 

Pot  and  pearl  ashes,  tanner's  bark ; 

Tar.  pitch,  rosin  and  turpentine ; 

Hemp,  flax  and  wool ; 

Plaister  of  Paris,  so  necessary  to  our  agriculture  ; 

Coals  and  potter's  earth,  for  our  manufactures; 

Marble,  lime  and  timber  for  our  buildings. 

All  these  articles  are  of  the  first  necessity,  but  few  of  them  can 
bear  the  expense  of  five  dollars  the  hundred  weight  to  be  transport 
ed  300  miles  on  roads.  Yet  on  canals  they  would  cost  in  boatiug 
only  15  cents  the  100  weight  for  that  distance. 

There  is  another  great  advantage  to  individuals  and  the  na'iou 
arising  from  canals,  which  roads  can  never  give.  It  is  that  when  a 
canal  runs  through  a  long  line  of  mountainous  country,  such  as  the 
greater  part  of  the  interior  of  America,  all  the  ground  below  for 
half  a  mile  or  more  may  be  watered  and  converted  into  meadow 
and  other  profitable  culture. 

How  much  these  conveniences  of  irrigation  will  add  to  the  pro 
duce  of  agriculture  and  the  beauties  of  nature,  I  leave  to  experi 
enced  farmers  and  agricultural  societies  to  calculate. 

In  Italy  and  Spain  it  is  the  practice  to  sell  water  out  of  the  ca 
nals,  for  Altering  meadows  and  other  lands.  In  such  cases  tubes 
are  put  into  the  canal,  under  the  pressure  of  a  certain  head  of  wa 
ter,  and  suffered  to  run  a  given  time  for  a  fixed  price ;  the  monies 
thus  gained  add  much  to  the  emoluments  of  the  canal  companies. 

But  with  all  these  immense  advantages  which  canals  give,  it 
may  be  a  question  with  many  individuals,  whether  they  can  be 
constructed  in  great  leading  lines,  from  our  sea  coast  and  naviga 
ble  rivers,  to  the  frontiers  of  the  several  states,  or  pass  our  moun 
tains  and  penetrate  to  the  remote  parts  of  our  interior  country. 
Should  doubts  arise  on  this  part  of  the  plan,  I  beg  leave  to  assure 
you,  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  carrying  canals  over  our  high 
est  mountains,  and  even  where  nature  has  denied  us  water.  For 
water  is  always  to  be  found  in  the  valleys,  and  the  canal  can  be 
constructed  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  carrying  the  water  to  (hat 
situation.  Should  there  be  no  water  on  -he  mountain  or  it?  fides, 
there  will  be  wood  or  coals;  either  or  both  of  which  can  be  brought 


84 

cheap  to  theMrorks  by  means  of  the  canal.  Then  with  steam  ea- 
gin.  s  ih-.i  upper  poods  of  canal  can  be  filler!  from  the  lower  levels, 
and  with  the  engines  the  boats  can  on  inclined  planes  be  drawn 
from  ?he  lower  to  the  upper  canal.  For  this  mode  of  operating  it 
is  n  res-sary  to  have  » mall  boats  of  six  tons  each.  As  the  steam 
engines  are  to  draw  up  and  let  down  the  boats  on  inclined  planes, 
no  water  is  drawn  lor  the  upper  level  of  canal,  as  when  locks  are 
used.  Consequently  when  the  upper  ponds  have  been  once  filled, 
it  is  only  necessary  that  the  engine  should  supply  leakage  and 
evaporation.  There  is  another  mode  of  supplying  the  leakage  and 
evaporation  of  the  higher  levels:  on  the  tops  and  sides  of  moun 
tains  there  are  hollows  or  ravines,  which  can  be  banked  at  the 
lower  extremity,  thus  forming  a  reservoir  to  catch  the  rain  or  melt 
ed  snow.  From  such  reservoirs  the  ponds  of  canal  can  be  replen 
ished  in  the  dry  months  of  summer.  This  mode  of  reserving 
water  is  iu  practice  in  England  for  canals,  and  in  Spain  for  irriga 
tion.  In  this  manner  I  will  suppose  it  necessary  to  pass  a  moun 
tain  800  feet  high ;  then  four  inclined  planes  each  of  200  feet  rise, 
•would  gain  the  summit,  and  four  would  descend  on  the  other  side. 
Total,  eight  inclined  planes  and  eight  steam  engines.  Each  steam 
engine  of  12  horse  power  would  cost  about  ten  thousand  dollars,  in 
all  80.000;  each  would  burn  about  12  bushels  of  coal  in  12  hours, 
or  96  bushels  for  the  eight  engines  for  ene  day's  work. 

The  coals  in  such  situations  may  be  estimated  at  12  cents 

a  bushel  or  ...  dolls.  1 1   52 

At  each  engine  and  inclined  plane  there  must  be  five  men 
—total  40  meo  at  one  dollar  each,  .  ,        40 

Total,         dolls.  51   52 

For  this  sum  they  could  pass  500  tons  in  one  day  over 
the  eight  inclined  planes,  which  for  each  ton  is  only  10  cents. 

S'ippose.  the  mountain  lobe  20  miles  wide,  boating  for 
each  too  would  cost  .  20  do. 

Total,  30  cents. 


85 

a  ton,  for  passing  over  the  mountain,  which  will  be  more  or  lest 
according  to  circumstances.  These  calculations  being  only  intend 
ed  to  remove  any  doubts  which  may  arise  on  the  practicability  of 
passing  our  mountains- 
Having  thus  in  some  degree  considered  the  advantages  which 
canals  will  produce  in  point  of  wealth  to  individuals  and  the  na 
tion,  I  will  now  consider  their  importance  to  the  union  and  their 
political  consequences. 

First,  their  eflfi  ct  on  raising  the  value  of  the  public  lands,  and 
thereby  augmenting  the  revenue. 

In  all  cases  where  canals  pass  through  the  lands  of  the  United 
States,  and  open  a  cheap  communication  to  a  good  market,  such 
lauds  will  rise  in  value  for  twenty  miles  on  each  side  of  the  canal. 
The  farmer  who  will  reside  twenty  miles  from  the  canal  can  in  one 
day  carry  a  load  of  produce  to  its  borders.  And  were  the  lands 
600  miles  from  one  of  our  sea  port  towns  his  barrel  of  flour,  in 
weight  200  Ib.  could  be  carried  that  distance  for  60  cents,  the  price 
which  is  DOW  paid  to  carry  a  barrel  50  miles  on  the  Lancaster 
turnpike.  Consequently,  as  relates  to  cheapness  of  carriage,  and 
easy  access  to  market,  the  new  lands  which  IIP  600  miles  from  the 
sea  ports,  would  be  of  equal  value  with  lands  of  equal  fertility  which 
are  50  miles  from  the  sea  ports.  But  not  to  insist  on  their  being  of 
so  great  value  until  population  is  as  great,  it  is  evident  that  they 
must  rise  in  value  in  a  three  or  four  fold  degree,  every  lineal  mile  of 
canal  would  accommodate  25,600  acres.  The  lands  sold  by  the  Uni 
ted  States  in  1806,  averged  about  two  dollars  an  acre,  and  certain 
ly  every  acre  accommodated  with  a  canal,  would  produce  six  dol 
lars  thus  only  '20  miles  of  canal  each  year,  running  through  national 
lands,  would  raise  the  value  of  512,000  acres  at  least,  four  dollars 
an  acre,  giving  2,048.000  dollars  to  the  treasury,  a  sum  sufficient 
to  make  136  miles  of  canal.  Had  an  individual  such  a  property, 
and  funds  to  construct  canals  to  its  centre,  he  certainly  would  d*  it 
for  his  owu  interest.  The  nation  has  the  property,  and  the  nation 
possesses  ample  funds  for  such  undertakings. 

Second,  on  their  effect  in  cementing  the  union,  and  extending  the 
principles  of  confederated  republican  government.  Numerous  have 
been  the  speculations  on  the  duration  of  our  union,  and  intrigues 
have  been  practised  to  sever  the  western  from  the  eastern  state?. 


86 

The  opinion  endeavoured  to  be  inculcated,  was,  that  the  inhabi 
tants  beyond  the  mountains  were  cut  off  from  the  market  of  the  At 
lantic  states;  that  consequently  they  had  a  separate  interest,  and 
should  use  their  resources  to  open  a  communication  to  a  market  of 
their  own ;  that  remote  from  the  seat  of  government  they  could 
cot  enjoy  their  portion  of  advantages  arising  from  the  union,  and 
that  sooner  or  later  they  must  separate  and  govern  for  themselves. 
Others  by  drawing  their  examples  from  European  governments,  and 
the  monarchies  which  have  grown  out  of  the  feudal  habits  of  nations 
of  warriors,  whose  minds  were  bent  to  the  absolute  power  of  the  few, 
and  the  servile  obedience  of  the  many,  have  conceived  these  states  of 
too  great  an  extent  to  continue  united  under  a  republican  form  of  gov- 
ernmenit,  and  that  the  time  is  not  distant  when  they  will  divide  inte 
little  kingdoms,  retrograding  from  common  sense  to  ignorance,  adopt 
ing  all  the  foliie?  and  barbarities  which  are  every  day  practised  iu 
the  kingdoms  and  petty  states  of  Europe.  But  those  who  have 
reasoned  in  this  way,  have  not  reflected  that  men  are  the  crea 
tures  of  habit,  and  that  their  habits  as  well  as  their  interests  may  be 
go  combined,  as  to  make  it  impossible  to  separate  them  without  fal 
ling  back  into  a  state  of  barbarism.  Although  in  ancient  times 
some  specks  of  civiliza'ion  have  been  effaced  by  hordrs  of  unculti 
vated  men,  vet,  it  is  remarkable  that  since  the  invention  of  printing 
and  general  diffusion  of  knowledge,  no  nation  has  retrogated  in 
science  or  improvements;  nor  is  it  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
American?,  who  have  as  much,  if  not  more  information  in  general* 
than  any  oilier  people,  will  ever  abandon  an  advantage  which  they 
have  once  gained.  England,  which  at  one  time  was  seven  petty 
kingdoms,  has  by  habit  long  been  united  into  one.  Scotlaud  by 
succession  became  united  to  England,  and  is  now  bound  to  her  by 
habit,  by  tnrnpike  roads,  canals  and  reciprocal  interests.  In  like 
manner  all  the  counties  of  England,  or  departments  of  France,  are 
bound  to  each  other;  and  when  the  United  States  shall  be  bound 
together  by  canals,  by  cheap  and  easy  access  to  market  in  all  di 
rections,  by  a  sense  of  mutual  interest  arising  from  mutual  inter 
course  and  mingled  commerce,  it  will  be  no  more  possible  to  split 
them  into  independent  and  separate  governments,  each  lining  its 
frontiers  with  fortifications  mid  troops,  to  shackle  their  own  exports 
and  imports  to  and  from  the  neighboring  states ;  thau  it  is  DOW 


87 

possible  for  the  government  of  England    to  divide  and  form  again 
into  seven  kingdoms. 

But  it  is  necessary  to  bind  the  states  together  by  the  people's 
interests,  one  of  which  is  to  enable  every  man  to  sell  the  produce 
of  his  labour  at  the  best  market,  and  purchase  at  the  cheapest.  This 
accords  with  the  idea  of  Hume,  "  that  the  government  of  a  wise 
people  would  be  little  more  than  a  system  of  civil  police;  for  th« 
best  interest  of  man  is  industry,  and  a  free  exchange  of  the  produce 
of  his  labour  for  the  things  which  he  may  require." 

On  this  humane  principle,  what  stronger  bonds  of  union  can  be 
invented  than  those  which  enable  each  individual  to  transport  the 
produce  of  his  industry  1,200  miles  for  60  cents  the  hundred  weight  i' 
Here  then  is  a  certain  method  of  securing  the  union  of  the  states 
and  of  rendering  it  as  lasting  as  the  continent  we  inhabit. 

It  is  now  eleven  years  that  I  have  had  this  plan  in  contemplation 
for  the  good  of  our  country.  At  the  conclusion  of  my  work  on 
small  canals,  there  is  a  letter  to  Thomas  MiiTlin,  then  governor  of 
the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  on  a  system  of  canals  for  America.  la 
it  I  contemplated  the  time  when  "canals  should  pass  through  every 
vale,  wind  round  each  hill  and  bind  the  whole  country  together  m 
the  bonds  of  social  intercourse ;  and  I  am  now  happy  to  find  that 
through  the  good  management  of  a  wise  administration,  a  period  has 
arrived  when  an  overflowing  treasury  exhibits  abundant  resource?, 
and  points  the  mind  to  works  of  such  immense  importance. 

Hoping  speedily  to  see  them  become  favorite  objects  with  the 
ivbole  American  people. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  your  most  obedient, 
ROBERT  FULTON 

Washington,   December  Sth,  1807. 


END. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

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REC'D 


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